This research takes the 99 Chinese historical-cultural cities as the object of study. As the first step using the size of urban area and the increasing-ratio of population of these cities, we attempt to classify these cities into 3 types, and we choose the historical-cultural cities of medium and small scale as a main object. Basing on the questionnaire for local governments about the conservation policies, we analyze the current subjects for conservation of the historical-cultural cities of medium and small scale in China.

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本研究では人口移動の全体像を把握するための最初の一歩として、現時点で唯一利用可能となる1990人口センサスの1%オリジナルデータに基づき、市場経済導入初期の1985-1990年における人口移動について、県レベルでの空間分布及び要因分析を行った。その結果、以下の事実が明らかとなった。①高い経済発展を遂げた直轄市の市区、各省の省都や改革・開放が進んだ珠江デルタ地域が周辺農村地域の人口を吸収していた、②省内移動は省間移動より多く、総移動者数の７割弱を占めた。省内移動の目的地は主に各省の省都、大都市、改革・開放が進んだ地域、鉱区などであり、省間移動の目的地は主に北京市、天津市、上海市の市区及び付近地域、珠江デルタ地域であった、③非戸籍移動（戸籍を移さない転居）者数は戸籍移動（戸籍の移動を伴う転居）者数より少ないものの、移動者数の半数弱を占めた。非戸籍移動の約８割は農村部からの転出であったが、戸籍移動の約半数は都市部からの転出であった。戸籍移動者の約７割は大学や専門学校へ進学する学生や上級行政単位への転勤者、就職者及びその親族の随伴移動であったが、非戸籍移動者の半数は出稼ぎのため、経済発展の高い地域、あるいは経済発展見込みの高い地域で紡織業や加工業などの工業に従事する者であった、④統計解析の結果は、諸社会・経済指標のうち地域の経済規模が総流入数と最も高い相関を示しており、経済力が人々を引き付ける最も重要な要因となっていた。また、省間戸籍移動は経済規模と、省間非戸籍移動は経済規模の他に海外投資と、省内非戸籍移動は生活水準及び産業の構成と有意な相関があった、⑤全国の県に対して流入数と県内GDPの回帰分析を行い、中国全県に対する流入数を推測する式を提案した。

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 In this research, authors will clarify the transformation process and the present condition of the historical block of Beijing Outer Castle as a series of researches on urban fabric. The objective of this article is to evaluate living environment of Xuanxibei district, focusing on the space formation of da-za-yuan based on field studies. Xuanxibei district is designated for ‘Cordination Area of Historic Landscape’, but also for ‘Peng-hu-qu, Area’ to be improved. The district still maintains the traditional house type called si-he-yuan, but most of them is occupied by several families.

 The major points which this article clarifies are the following.

 1. There are many historical cultural heritages in Beijing Outer Castle where five “Historical Cultural Reserve Areas” and three “Historical Appearance Cooperative Areas” are designated. On the other hand, most of large-scale traditional courtyard house sìhéyuàn were occupided by many families and “Peng-hu-qu” which is consisted of many ‘peng-hu-fang’(small dwelling unit) was formed. Targeted study area Xuanxibei is a district designated both as a “Historical Cultural Reserve Areas” and a “Peng-hu-qu”’, and is a district that requires immediate living environment improvement.

 2. In Xuanxibei district, the street network is not as neat as the inner castle at the stage of Qianlong Jingcheng Quantu（1750）and there are many vacant lands. Since the end of the 18th century, halls and the sìhéyuàn were gradually built, forming a curved street network. As of 1955, the entire district was almost completely built, and the same street network as the present was established. The street is divided into 3 levels. a street where stalls and stalls selling vegetables and fruits come and go, a street for residents to pass through, and a street leading to each dwelling house.

 3. As shown in Fig. 5. The whole area is densely populated, and many of the daily activities like the public trash cans, public toilets and private storage etc. are carried out in the streets and community facilities. It is necessary to consider improvement of the living environment besides clearance type redevelopment.

 4. Since the establishment of the People's Republic of China, many people flow into Xuanxibei district. As of 1955, the form of sìhéyuàn was maintained, but it gradually became a "large miscellaneous house" in which several families coexist. "Peng-hu-fang" has been rapidly increasing since the early 1960s. When moving in, it is a one-room residence or two-room residence, and then a kitchen, bathroom, warehouse, etc. are added between the courtyard and the adjacent house.

 5. The district government and developers are promoting a redevelopment project, but have not progressed as planned. The forced evictions of the residents and the demolition of their homes were the main causes of the people's backlash. In addition, the number of 2287 units requested to move make it difficult to form a consensus.

 

 It would be unrealistic to inflate all the residents and redevelop the entire district, as it would be costly to compensate. Due to the building restrictions, the volume can not be increased, and there is little benefit for developers. In order to revitalize the district, a new method of improving the living environment at the on-site may be necessary. Further investigation is needed as to what will happen to Xuanxibei district.

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　In this research, authors will clarify the transformation process and the present condition of the historical block of Beijing Inner Castle as a series of researches on urban fabric. The objective of this article is to evaluate living environment of Xintaicang district, focusing on the space formation of ‘da-za-yuan’ (a large miscellaneous house) based on field studies. Xintaicang district is designated for ‘Conservation Area of Historic Cultural’. The district still maintains the traditional house type called si-he-yuan, but most of them is occupied by several families.

　The major points which this article clarifies are the following.

1.　Although Xintaicang district is designated for ‘Conservation Area of Historic Cultural’, the change from si-he-yuan to ‘da-za-yuan’ and the illegal occupation of hu-tong is progressing in this district, and the living environment improvement is required immediately.

2.　There are many short streets with various directions and bends in the northern area of Xintaicang district, where many storages were located. On the other hand, the southern area of the district, where most of the streets are straight, follows the basic block model of Inner Castle of Beijing presented by Funo and Deng (1999).

3.　The streets are divided into 3 levels. This street system plays a role in maintaining the daily use of residents and the sense of unity of ‘she-qu’ (community).

4.　The Xintaicang district is crowded with ‘da-za-yuan’ and many of the daily activities are carried out in the streets. Various stalls, food stalls, and rear cars are placed on the street.

5.　Parking spaces and public trash cans have been set up on the streets of the Xintaicang district and there are many private storages.

6.　There are 558 si-he-yuan. 16 types were distinguished by the number of ‘yuan-zi’ (courtyard) in the depth direction and the frontage direction. However, since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, many people have flowed into the city, and si-he-yuan has become ‘da-za-yuan’ where multiple families live together.

7.　In the Xintaicang district, the same street network was established in 1750, and the entire area was almost completely built. Comparing the current situation, there is almost no change in the blocks and streets, but in the dead end, many of them are narrow, straight and long, which shows that the district is overcrowded. In addition, there are several cases that residential lots are integrated into one residential lot.

8.　According to the interviews, the extension of si-he-yuan that added in the courtyard began in the 1970s, and the storage area, sink, laundry, etc. Inside the house are gradually overflowing, and the living environment becomes extremely deteriorated. Looking at the composition of each dwelling unit, the facilities necessary for daily life are not enough, and external shared facilities are used.

　Currently, there is an urgent need to improve the living environment where ‘da-zai-yuan’ are crowded. However, the area proves impractical with traditional remodeling methods because of the need for historical protection and the lack of commercial gain. The architecture of the Xintaicang is diverse in many respects, including its use, location, structure, number of soreys, and form. In order to revitalize the district, it seems necessary to maintain the texture, scale, and altitude of the current district, while narrowing down the development target and making the construction open.

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1．中国の経済成長と農山村　周知のように、現在、中国は急速な経済発展を続けている。1990年代半ば以降は、さすがに経済成長率が10％を下回ったものの、その後も毎年7_から_9％を維持している。今後も2008年の北京オリンピックおよび2010年の上海万博に向けて，中国国内の需要拡大はほぼ確実であり、2005年も、8.4_から_8.5％の経済成長を予測している。これは、故!)小平中国共産党総書記の指導のもと、1978年より始められた改革開放政策の結果である。この改革はもともとは貧困に喘ぎ、経済発展から立ち遅れていた農村部から始められた。1979年には「農業の発展を加速する若干の問題についての決定」が可決され、さらに1980年代に入ると、国から請け負った以上の農業生産物は、原則として自由に売買でき、各戸で利益を上げることが許される、いわゆる「生産責任制（生産請負制）」が確立された。そして、「先に豊かになれるものから豊かになれ」という「先富論」のもとに、沿岸地域と内陸地域の経済格差の問題が顕著化しながらも、北京や上海などの大都市近郊の農村では、「万元戸」や「億元郷」が出現するに至った。2．北京市郊外における農山村の経済成長　このような経済情勢のもと、首都である北京市郊外の農山村も急速な経済成長を遂げた。とりわけ、前述した3年後の北京オリンピックを視野に入れ、急ピッチで開発が進んでいる。中心城区（西城区、東城区、宣武区、崇文区）に接する海淀区や朝陽区、石景山区、豊台区では大規模な宅地開発が行われ、農村は中高層マンションへと姿を変えている。また、北京市郊外を走る「五環路」沿線の農村は、環境政策の方針から、政府によって取り壊され、植林が進んでいる。　一方、さらに郊外に位置するや昌平区、順義区、通州区、大興区、房山区等では道路網が整備され、北京中心部へのアクセシビリティが向上したこともあり、土木・建設・製鉄業などの都市開発と直結した郷鎮企業が次々と設立された。それらの中には、近年の土地に関する法規制の緩和もあって、不動産業にまで手を広げ、住宅団地の建設・販売まで行う企業も出現している。このほか、観光開発が進む農山村もある。伝統的な景観を保全し、北京市やその周辺地域をはじめとする中国国内だけでなく、海外からの観光客をも積極的に呼び込んでいる。3．北京市郊外の農山村景観の変容　以上のような経済発展の中で、北京市郊外の農山村はその景観を大きく変容させている。マンションへと姿を変えた村、観光開発のために景観保護が施される村、政策によって移転・廃村が決定・実行された村、郷鎮企業の成功によって集落全体が近代的な住宅群へと変化した村など様々な景観が広がる。　本発表では、統計資料等には限界・不足する点があるが、これらの農山村の景観変化に関するいくつかの事例について、写真等を用いながら紹介し、景観から見えてくる中国農山村の現状について、若干の報告をしたいと考える。[付記]　本報告は、神奈川大学21世紀COEプログラム「人類文化研究のための非文字資料の体系化」における若手研究者の海外提携研究機関派遣事業の一部である。

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In this paper the authors clarify the existing forms of the village and township industrial enterprises (VTIEs) in a rural districts around Beijing, Shunyi-county under the economic reform and opening policy in China. The results are summarized as follows:
1. Before the economic reform the rural economy in Beijing City was stagnant, it had not experienced its rapid industrial growth. After the economic reform in 1978, (VTIEs) played important role in the expansion of rural economic flow but they had to solve financial, technological and market problems in order to develop further. Urban industry located in the city area of Beijing became overcrowded, so it was necessary to relocate a part of its production capacity. At the same time, many trading companies needed their producing bases to keep up with the growing trade after the economic opening. Thus, the interests of the urban enterprises were in harmony with those of the rural. So VTIEs in the rural districts around Beijing were able to prepare the conditions for their development.
2. VTIEs in Shunyi-county of Beijing City in order to grow and develop themselves, tried to get various contact with the trading companies and state enterprises located within the city area, and tried to get funds, to introduce technology and to expand the market. VTIEs also grew by the formation of the joint enterprises with foreign-affiliated firms through urban enterprises' mediation. VTIEs in Shunyi county aimed to seize all sorts of opportunities far business, getting into contact and linking with urban enterprises, and to develop to be “urban-rural integrated” enterprises. VTIEs linked with the state enterprises become to be their branch plants and are disturbed to develop as independent enterprises. On the other hand, VTIEs linked with the commercial and trading enterprises, most of which grow as expert enterprises, develop independently.
3. The contacts and links between VTIEs in Shunyi-county and urban enterprises practically do away with the social and economic separation between urhan and rural districts like the family registration system since the adopt of a planned economy, VTIEs expanding their space of activity, accelerate the formation of a urban-rural integrate economic zone. It means that the regional framework in the mechanism of China's economic development is changing.
In this paper the actual condition of VTIEs in Shunyi-county is presented, but there exist further research tasks; one it to analyze the development of VTIEs and its impact on the urban-rural relation based upon the accumulated regional surveys, the other is to consider theoretically the changing regional structure of China's economy.

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