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  • 佐藤 泰弘
    法制史研究
    2013年 63 巻 194-199
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2019/10/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 全敏
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 1 号 92-104
    発行日: 2000/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 乙井 康成, 神谷 泉, 小荒井 衛, 中埜 貴元
    地図
    2014年 52 巻 3 号 23-28
    発行日: 2014/09/30
    公開日: 2016/11/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 犬飼 智
    史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 11 号 1907-1925,2001-
    発行日: 1991/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Insei 院政 politics, domnation by the retired emperor In 院 was actually established during the latter part of Shirakawa-In 白河院 retirement after Emperor Toba 鳥羽天皇, grandson of Shirakawa, ascended to the throne in 1107. After that, benkan and shikiji 弁官・職事, the imperial secretaries, began reporting to the In, and imperial decrees (senji 宣旨) began to be promulugated according to the emperor's (tenno 天皇) will, but by the In's direction. When Fujiwara-no-Tsunefusa 藤原経房, whose diary is called the Kitsuki (吉記) was benkan, he went to Goshirakawa-In's chancellery (Goshirakawa-In-no-cho 後白河
    院庁
    ) almost everday. But in the entry of the Kitsuki dated 1183/7/9 (寿永二年七月九日), we are told that the special court of justice called Inchusata was held at Goshirakawa-In-no-cho, and that all the judges of the Inchusata except himself and Minamoto-no-Masayori 源雅頼, who also sevred as benkan, were Goshirakawa's private advisers. Tsunefusa felt highly honored in being called to this Inchusata. Same of the cases appearing before this Inshusata were cases pending in the regular court handled by benkan and shikiji. From these facts, the author concludes that Inshusata was operated by the In's private advisers apart from the regular court and that the origin of Inchusata was the custom of petitions filed through the In's private advisers were permitted to be reviewed by the In without trial. Then why were non-political officials like Tsunefusa called to this Inchusata on 9/7/1183? About that time, the rebel army under Minamoto-no-Yoshinaka 源義仲 was approaching the capital. In June, Goshirakawa-In consurted with various aristocrats about counter-measures against the enemy. Fujiwara-no-Kanezane 藤原兼実, the Udaijin 右大臣, the third highest seat of the imperial cabinet, and not on intimate terms with Goshirakawa-In proposed a political reform called Tokusei 徳政. He emphasized that fair judgement in political affairs would make temples, shrines and others entities confide in the government. The author concludes that Goshirakawa-In assented to Kanezane's proposal and invited non-political officials to the Inchusata on 9/7/1183. Kanezane's idea was derived from Shinzei's 信西 reform, which was executed from 1156 to 1159 and exerted influence on political reform in Kamakura 鎌倉 period.
  • 上杉 和彦
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 10 号 1837-1846
    発行日: 2014/10/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • Aaron K. L. Leung, Christina K. L. Lee, 野坂 利也, 山本 澄子
    日本義肢装具学会誌
    2003年 19 巻 4 号 283-286
    発行日: 2003/10/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福島 正樹
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 6 号 1129-1137
    発行日: 1990/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 服部 英雄
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 8 号 1304-1331,1419-
    発行日: 1983/08/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Among those diplomatics during Japan's medieval period, there exist several items which have been dated with an era name before the official change to that era name, it was called mirainengo 未来年号 ; and conversely, there are those items which have been dated with an era name despite the official change to a new era. In this report, the author carries out an investigation of such items from five diplomatics related to the following proprietary estates (shoen 荘園) : Kuroda-no-sho 黒田荘 owned by the temple, Todaiji 東大寺, Yamamoto-no-sho 山本荘 owned by the Matsuo Shrine 松尾神社, Kagado-no-sho 香登荘 owned by the temple, Negoroji 根来寺, estates directly managed by the temple, Eizanji 栄山寺, Kono-makuni-no-sho 神野真国荘 owned previcusly by Jingoji 神護寺, and then Koyasan 高野山. As a result of his investigation, the author has been able to make clear the fact that these items are diplomatics which have been falsified for the purpose of deceiving their recipients out of personal interest. Therefore by means of this type of historical material textual criticism, it is hoped that researchers can use obviously falsified diplomatics (gimonjo 偽文書) to ferret out those true facts of manorial history which have heretofore escapednotice by scolars.
  • 水戸部 正男
    法制史研究
    1961年 1961 巻 11 号 233-234
    発行日: 1961/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松田 晋哉, 本橋 豊
    日本衛生学雑誌
    1998年 53 巻 3 号 511-520
    発行日: 1998/10/15
    公開日: 2009/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    The French health care system is characterized by its social insurance scheme with universal coverage, freedom of prescription and of location by the doctor, fee-for-service payment by patients, and free choice of doctor by patients, which essentially tends to inflate its health expenditures. Thus, the health expenditures of France has been increasing over the average expenditures of other European countries. Under the principle of autonomy of the social insurance fund, the increase in medical expenditures has been absorbed by a decrease in the reimbursement rate and an increase in the contribution rate of the insured. However, it is no longer possible to cope with this financial crisis by these traditional measures because of the worsening of the unemployment problem. Nowadays, the increase in the contribution rate is regarded as one of the important reasons for the economic stagnation of the French society. In order to cope with this difficult situation, the French government has changed its health policy from the demand side strategy to the supply side strategy. The concrete plan of this policy was presented by Prime Minister Alain Juppé (the Juppé plan). The plan consists of; 1) unification of the medical insurance scheme, 2) establishment of a ceiling on medical expenditures, 3) regionalization of health policy, 4) disclosure of medical information, 5) introduction of medical references, 6) creation of a social protection scheme for the dependent elderly, 7) introduction of an object tax for the social security fund, etc.. These subjects have been materializing step by step after many twists and turn. The most important principles of the plan are the transparency of the medical information and the responsibility of each actor within the health system. The French government has conducted a lot of international comparable studies of health systems. According to the results of a series of active and profound discussions, the French government has conducted various social experiments. It is very meaningful for the Japanese government to analyze this process of health reform occurring in France in order to discuss the health system reforms in Japan.
  • 本郷 恵子
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 6 号 1124-1147,1253-
    発行日: 1998/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Documents available to us as historical materials at present are limited to those that heve been transmitted and preserved by people who benefited from them. They form only a small part of the documents that actually existed and were exchanged in the past. In order words, beside transmitted documents, there were a tremendous amount of documents that were intentionally discarded. Shihai-monjo, a document appearing on the "reverse" side of transmitted one, enables us a glimpse of this situation ; however, the archival study of shihai-monjo as non-transmitted documents is not very extensive. The research to date has tended to focus on the unique, stimulating contents of shihai-monjo not found in transmitted documents, while neglecting to consider among other things how they were transmitted.This paper pays particular attention to official documents among shihai-monjo --- that is, Kokushi-chosen, Kokusen, kebiishi-bettosen etc. --- and examines under what circumstances they were discarded. They were documents from which no one benefited and can be clasified into three groups : a) orders given via Mokudai to Rusudokoro ; b) intra office orders ; and c) Kisho. Groups a) and b) were sent to unconcerned parties on the basis of authority and duty, and for that reason were not preserved, while groups b) and c) were discarded within the office without being delivered, a fact that cannot be accommodated to the theory that tht role of documents is the communication of intent between sender and receiver.Also discussed are documents which have the form of shomon, but have the word an (draft) written on the right. First I have tried to demonstrate that the word an was written by the author of the documents himself. Secondly, I have shown that there were two functions of an : one, to indicate that the document did not affect as shomon ; the other to distingush between two copies of the same document, thereby treating one as shomon and the other as its graft, when there were two beneficiaries concerning a particular right.By studying shihai-monjo, I have emphasized the variety of nontransmitted documents and clarified the power and the role of documents beyond mere utility.
  • 前田 英之
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 8 号 1411-1435
    発行日: 2012/08/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The research to date on the formation process of the Taira Family's (Heike) rise to power has emphasized both rapprochements and opposition between Taira-no-Kiyomori and retired Emperor Goshirakawa-In. However, the factors determining the political choices made by Kiyomori cannot be thoroughly explained by such a dichotomy in relation to Goshirakawa-In. In this paper, the author argues the need to reexamine Kiyomori's political choices and the rise of the Heike to power from the perspective of the Family's territory and the nature of its proprietorship over it, based on recent research being done on the political history of the shoen 荘園 estate system. The author begins with the formation process of the Heike's Tomoda-no-Sho 鞆田荘 estate and concludes that 1) Heike control was realized by confirming the estates boundaries through negotiations and adjustments on the central political scene and 2) both Kiyomori and Taira-no-Tadamori were able to expand those boundaries within the process of establishing their own political positions. In other words, rather than marking any new development in the system of local land proprietorship, the formation of Tomoda-no-Sho owed more to the political process at the time. Next, the author turns to Ota-no-Sho 大田荘 and Yatabe-Gun 八部郡, which are considered the Heike's most typical proprietary estates, and argues that they, too, were formed through the same kind of negotiations and adjustments at the political center as with Tomoda-no-Sho, concluding that the structure of all Heike land ownership was greatly influenced by the political process. Then, in order to put the relationship between politics and proprietorship in more concrete terms, the author examines the problem of inheritance of the property held by the Heike as imperial regents (sekkanke 摂関家), which was the direct cause of the coup d'etat of 1179, concluding that through his involvement in the unrest, Goshirakawa-In was able to visualize the possibilities for his own intervention in all of the Heike's property, making him conscious of the danger Kiyomori actually posed and motivating him to begin taking steps to dismantle the institution of the retired emperor's household. From the above conclusions, the author argues that the political choices made by Kiyomori could not have been limited by any power struggle with Goshirakawa-In, but were rather determined by the proprietary structure of the territory controlled by the Taira Family. Based on this argument, the author attempts to reexamine the Heike's rise to power from the perspective of that proprietary structure, indicating first that the Heike established its military institutions within the framework of policing operations necessary to protect the shoen estate system. Secondly, he shows that although the Heike's territory was based mainly on negotiations and adjustments conducted at the political center, the actual formation of that territory on the local level would never be realized if it met with opposition from administrator's on the ground (zaicho kanjin 在庁官人). This is one structural feature that made it necessary for Heike proprietorships to be formed within the framework of the shoen estate system. Finally, the author argues that any further examination of the development of Heike political power after the 1179 coup will have to take into serious consideration the structural determinants of the Family's feudal proprietorships.
  • 松田 晋哉
    医療
    2002年 56 巻 12 号 715-718
    発行日: 2002/12/20
    公開日: 2011/10/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福島 金治
    史学雑誌
    2010年 119 巻 5 号 672-675
    発行日: 2010/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 美川 圭
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 7 号 1357-1362
    発行日: 2009/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西川 幸治
    工業教育
    1981年 29 巻 2 号 37-43
    発行日: 1981/04/20
    公開日: 2009/09/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伴瀬 明美
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 1 号 55-80
    発行日: 2000/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上横手 雅敬
    法制史研究
    1961年 1961 巻 11 号 175-200
    発行日: 1961/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 冨倉 徳次郎
    中世文学
    1972年 17 巻 1-3
    発行日: 1972年
    公開日: 2018/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石原 比伊呂
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 6 号 1033-1063
    発行日: 2007/06/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article is an attempt to 1) clarify the relationship between Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimochi 足利義持 and the Japanese imperial family (i. e., ret. Emperor Gokomatsu 後小松 and Emperor Shoko 称光 by reconstructing the manner in which Yoshimochi conducted himself as a member of the aristocracy and 2) place this shogun within the context of existing relations between the warrior and aristocratic classes. Within his role as a "member of royalty," Yoshimochi held the posts of deputy Kampaku 関白, serving as a quasi-imperial regent and the reigning emperor's personal secretary (Kuroudo-no-To 蔵人頭). He also served as instructor to Crown Prince Shoko and was by his side both at his initiation ceremony and coronation. In addition to his advisory role in connection with the emperor, Yoshimochi was involved with the retired emperor as a functionary in his household (Inshi 院司) and also internal minister of state (Naidaijin 内大臣), both advisory roles, to the point of being an indispensable member of his entourage. In this dual role, he was also called upon to settle disputes that arose between the two emperors. From such involvement on the part of Yoshimochi within the imperial household, the author describes his shogunate as an attempt to re-empower the Gokomatsu royal house.
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