本稿の目的は, これまで十分に記述されてこなかったザンジバル (タンザニア) におけるムハンマドの生誕祭の様子と, この生誕祭でのタリーカ (スーフィー教団) の活動を報告することである。生誕祭は, ムスリム (イスラーム教徒) にとって最も重要な行事の一つである。また, この行事ではイスラーム世界の大部分のタリーカが一斉に活動する。
19世紀後半, ザンジバルには様々なタリーカが到来し, 沿岸部や交易路における民衆レベルのイスラーム化に大きく貢献してきた。東アフリカに生誕祭を持ち込んだのもタリーカであったが, 先行研究では生誕祭やタリーカの活動実態については, ほとんど明らかにされてこなかった。
筆者がおこなった参与観察によると, ザンジバルのの生誕日から約3週間, 島内各地で開催された。各生誕祭は, 基本的に地域の有力者主催の儀礼と, その後に複数のタリーカがそれぞれ主催するズィクリ (神の名を繰り返し唱える修行) の2部構成であった。また, 先行研究には言及されてない新たなタリーカの存在も明らかとなった。

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イスラームにおける聖遺物の大半は、ムハンマドの身体に付着していたモノで構成されている。その断片化された身体はイスラーム世界の各地に移送され、ローカルな聖地の形成に寄与してきた。本発表では、聖遺物の拡散に伴う聖地の増加の事例を紹介し、聖遺物を安置した各地の聖地が、それぞれの身体の構成部分を分有しているという意味で相互に関連づけられ、全体としてひとつのモノを希求している様子を明らかにする。

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Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn 'Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn Babawayh al-Qummi (d. 381/991), known as al-Shaykh al-Saduq, is one of the foremost doctors and traditionists among the Twelver Shi'is in the 10th century. He composed a book named the Kamal al-din wa-tamarn al-ni'mah for the vindication of the ghaybah (occultation) of the twelfth Imam. In this book, he claimed that the prophets before Muhammad had set precedents for the ghaybah and they had already undergone the same kind of situation as the twelfth Imam. By showing what had happened to each prophet in terms of the ghaybah through hadiths, he expanded the concept of ghaybah from what was limited to the twelfth Imam to what was applicable to all Hujaj Allah (pl. of Hujjat Allah, God's proof, i. e. prophets and Imams). This is a unique and new vindicative procedure for the ghaybah. In this paper, the author analyses this new ghaybah supporting theory by dividing al-Shaykh al-Saduq's argument into three steps: (1) presentation of some hadiths which imply the possibility of the prophets' entering ghaybah conditions; (2) some illustrations of the prophets' ghaybah; (3) justification of the twelfth Imam's ghaybah by the authoritative precedents of the prophets.

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When Khaybar was conquered by Muhammad, the Jews of Fadak also submitted to him and concluded an agreement to hand over half the produce. Unlike the case of Khaybar, Fadak was not acquired by force of the muslims, so Muhammad owned its produce and used at his discretion. But, in the absence of reliable sources, Prophet's historical conducts remain guesses. Baladhuri and Waqidi deal with this treaty in their works, in which the Jews of Fadak gave up half of their lands. But this opinion must be held from the theory of sulh afterwards.
On the death of the Prophet, Fatima asked Abu Bakr about her share in her father's inheritance claiming that Fadak was one of the sadaqat presented by the Prophet. Subsequently, Fadak became an object of the dispute among the schools of law or between Sunnis and Shi'ites. 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun, who took pro-shi'ite policy, judged this problem and returned the land of Fadak to the 'Alids.
Sunni and shi'ite hadith show the different view in regard to the sadaqa, the inheritance of the Prophet. In the shi'ite view, Fatima has become inheritor of the Prophet, and the use of his sadaqa is permissible for the family of the Prophet. But the Sunnis concluded that the Prophet didn't leave inheritance, and what he left became sadaqa as the public interest of the muslims, rejecting the use of sadaqa by the family of the Prophet.

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The astronomer, physician, philosopher, Quṭb al-Dīn al-Shīrāzī (d. 1311), known as the author of Commentary on the Canon of Medicine by Ibn Sīnā (d. 1037), wrote a short treatise on medical ethics, Explanation of the Need for Medicine and Physicians. In this article, I elucidate how Shīrāzī explained the need for medicine, and point out the characteristic of his argument. In Chapter One of the work, Shīrāzī argued for the need for medicine on the basis of both the rational and the traditional argument. The rational argument derived from Greek philosophy. In the traditional argument, on the other hand, he cited Qur'an and a number of the Prophetic sayings and deeds (ḥadīth), and concluded that medicine is a duty of the whole community of Muslims. The characteristic of this latter type of argument can be illuminated by comparing Shīrāzīʼs treatise with those of his predecessors. First, some texts in the genre of “Prophetic medicine” collected medical knowledge for believers, but did not discuss extensively the need or legitimacy of medicine. Second, treatises on medical ethics written before Shīrāzīʼs did not argue for the need for medicine on the basis of Islamic tradition. This contrast demonstrates that Shīrāzī deliberately departed from his predecessors in making his traditional side of argument.

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The statues of the Campanile of the Florentine Cathedral in the early 15th century are well-known especially for Donatello's Jeremiah and Zuccone. However, the project for the Campanile 1415-1436 is very problematic. In these periods, I find thirteen documented projects for the statues both for the Campanile and for the facade ; that is <<Prophet I>>(Poggi, Nos.222, 224, 227, 228, 230, 231), <<Prophet II>>(Poggi, Nos.222, 232, 238, 243), <<Prophet III>>(Poggi, Nos.221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 241, 242, 244, 247, 250), <<Prophet IV>>(Poggi, Nos.245, 248, 249, 251), <<Prophet V>>(Poggi, Nos.253, 254, 256, 257, 262), <<Prophet VI>>(Poggi, Nos.258, 261, 268, 269, 270), <<Prophet VII>>(Poggi, Nos.260, 263, 272, 273, 279, 280), <<Prophet VIII>>(Poggi, Nos.284, 316, 320, 322, 323, 324 and Catasto of 1427), <<Statue A>>(Poggi, Nos.233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 239, 240), <<Statue B>>(Poggi, Nos.271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 282, 283, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 310, 311, 318), <<Statue C>>(Poggi, No.262), <<Statue D>>(Poggi, Nos.259, 264, 266), <<Statue E>>(Poggi, Nos.292, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 308, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 319, 320, 321). Based on the analysis of the styles, documents, and sculptural signatures, I identify <<Prophet I>> with the Beardless Prophet, <<Prophet II>> with the Bearded Prophet, <<Prophet III>> with the Nameless Prophet, <<Prophet IV>> with the Abraham and Isaac, <<Statue A>> with the St. John the Baptist, <<Prophet V>> with the Abdia, <<Prophet VII>> with the Jeremiah, <<Prophet VIII>> with the Zuccone. I also identify <<Statue B>> with the Isaiah, <<Statue D>> with the Poggio Bracciolini, <<Statue E>> with the David, all found in the interior of the Cathedral. <<Prophet VI>> is believed not to have been finished.<<Statue C>> is believed to be identical with the doccione sculpture of the Cupola. As for the new identification of <<Statue A>> with the St. John the Baptist, <<Statue D>> with the Poggio Bracciolini (it is believed that the head is not by G. da Poggibonsi but by B. Ciuffagni), see also my documentary and stylistic analysis, The Enigma of the Poggio Bracciolini, in Annual of Miyagi Women's College, 1986.

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Rūzbihān Baqlī Shīrāzī (d. 1209) whose conception of prophets and saints is the subject of this paper was one of the leading representatives of Sufism in the 12th century. For a long time, Orientalists supposed that Rūzbihān’s intellectual tendeancies were influenced by the anthropomorphic argument concerning love between God and Man. He was also, however, active in many other fields such as Quranic commentary, jurisprudence. In this paper I argue that his arguments are based primarily on the concept of prophethood and sainthood rather than divine love. The reason why the concept of prophethood and sainthood is so important for an understanding of Rūzbihān’s thoughts is that he himself confesses that his aim of writing is to prevent Sufi saints from accusing him of being an infidel. Besides this, it seems clear that he intends to impute prophethood or sainthood to himself in his autobiographical work. In addition, Rūzbihān’s theory of Spiritual Stations is distinguished by the special attention it pays to prophets and saints. In his Risāla al-quds, Rūzbihān treats the classical theory of Spiritual Stations as an orthodox theory, even though in the Kashf al-asrār, he calls his series of supernatural visions brilliant Spiritual Stations. This means that he borrowed the way of orthodox theory for the reconstitute of ecstatic sayings of Sufi saints in accordance with sober and permissible expression in official faith of Islam. This shows that to comprehend Rūzbihān’s thoughts, we have to pay attention to the stress he places on prophets or saints. In this article, I focus on his concept of prophets and saints, and examine its impact on his work.

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