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  • 古川 俊之
    BME
    2003年 17 巻 1 号 10
    発行日: 2003/01/10
    公開日: 2011/09/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小原 龜太郎
    繊維工業学会誌
    1937年 3 巻 12 号 671-677
    発行日: 1937年
    公開日: 2008/07/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「領土の罠」論再考
    *山﨑 孝史
    人文地理学会大会 研究発表要旨
    2013年 2013 巻
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2014/02/24
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    今日の
    領土
    問題について、政治地理学者ジョン・アグニューが1994年に唱えた「
    領土
    の罠」論をもとに、領域性の効果や実効主権の概念から再検討する
  • グローバリゼーションと脱領土化をめぐって
    後藤 実
    現代社会学理論研究
    2007年 1 巻 30-43
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2020/03/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    冷戦の終焉とともにグローバリゼーションに関する議論が活性化し、1990年代後半からはその両義性に関する認識も深まりつつある。
    本稿の目的は、N.ルーマンの世界社会概念を手がかりとしながらその論理を明らかにし、世界社会化の社会文化的な意義を検証することである。まず、世界社会化する過程を
    領土
    的な世界社会1と、脱
    領土
    的な世界社会2を分析的に区別し、機能システムの縮減形式が自己描写、コミュニケーション連関に浸透する態様を分析する。そして世界社会の論理を多様なものの統一体を構成する「一」と「多」の構成のあり方によって分類する。
    領土
    化する世界社会のもとでは、機能システムのオペレーションの徹底化が進んでいる。その問題点と機能システムの効力の限界を指摘し、世界社会2の先にある世界多様性の維持に向けた課題について超
    領土
    化、再
    領土
    化の観点から考察を行う。
  • ―ロシアの日本学者から見た「北方領土問題」―
    大崎 巌
    ロシア・東欧研究
    2018年 2018 巻 47 号 144-162
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/10/08
    ジャーナル フリー

    Despite a good deal of research in the field, Japanese scholarship still insufficiently understands the Russian perspective on the territorial dispute between Japan and Russia, known as the Northern Territories problem in Japan and the South Kuril Islands Dispute in Russia, which prevents both countries from realizing the full normalization of the relations by signing a peace treaty and moving beyond Cold War era relations.

    To overcome these inadequacies, this paper suggests the necessity for the use of a new analytic viewpoint that focuses on the political artificiality of contemporary Russian politics on the above territorial dispute. One reason why Japanese scholarship has not been able to fully understand the political function of the South Kuril Islands Dispute in Russian society, may be due to the lack of such studies that analyze this problem on the basis of this analytical viewpoint.

    The purpose of this paper is to analyze the character and the structure of Russian logic on this dispute, examining the achievements and problems of the previous studies on the matter in Russia.

    The content of this paper covers the major contributions by Russian experts on the South Kuril Islands Dispute since the last years of the Soviet Union until today and analyses the major development of their position related to Japan. Such analysis discusses the arguments of Russian experts on Japanese studies, such as former soviet journalists, diplomats and scholars, former high officials in the Russian foreign ministry, and scholars at Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (MGIMO), the Center for Japanese Studies at the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and so on, revealing the fundaments of the Russian position, which include the importance of the results of the World War Two, generally known in Russian as the Great Patriotic War continuously seen as a renewed symbol of national identity for rebuilding Russian core values since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

    The above analysis helps to deepen understanding of the essence of Russian stance in this unresolved territorial dispute and thus the connection and continuity between the Soviet and contemporary Russian approach towards the territorial dispute.

    The resolution of the Northern Territories problem will assist Japan in evolving out of its “postwar era” and will contribute towards removing remnants of World War II and the Cold War in Northeast Asia. Ultimately, resolution of this problem will make a significant contribution to stabilizing the current situation in the Asia-Pacific Region.

  • 吉川 智
    法政論叢
    2013年 50 巻 1 号 115-
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1905年 17 巻 4 号 282a
    発行日: 1905/04/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐久間 寛
    アフリカ研究
    2021年 2021 巻 99 号 33-37
    発行日: 2021/05/31
    公開日: 2022/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 笹野 伸治
    農業土木学会誌
    1976年 44 巻 3 号 182-185,a2
    発行日: 1976/03/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    われわれが行っている諸々の開発行為は,人類という「種」の
    領土
    を有限な地球上で限りなく拡大する行為に相当する。この行為は,際限ない人口増加とふくらみ続ける物質欲により加速されている。現代の農業技術者にとって大切なことは,新しい技術開発により欲望の充足を可能にすることではなく,逆にその欲望の根を押え,環境を一定に保ちつつ生産を続ける「農業の論理」を,人類の
    領土
    において成立させることである。
  • *舛田 陽祐, 黒岩 慎太郎, 松嶋 道也, 福本 信次
    溶接学会全国大会講演概要
    2023年 2023f 巻
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/12/02
    会議録・要旨集 認証あり
    ポーラス銅をインサート材とし、Sn系はんだ合金をポーラス銅内の細孔に溶浸させることで銅を接合した。本手法の接合性はSn融液の浸透性に大きく依存する。そこでポーラス銅の孔サイズ、空隙率などの内部構造および浸透材料であるSn系はんだ合金の組成を変化させて接合性に及ぼす影響について調べた。接合部は微細組織観察およびせん断試験によって評価した。
  • 中村 尚弘
    人文地理
    2000年 52 巻 5 号 514-530
    発行日: 2000/10/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Recent geographical studies of national boundaries/territories in English-speaking countries ave devoted considerable attention to the instability of nation-states mainly due to an upsurge in ethnic nationalism. While territorial issues have generally been regarded as a conflict between the nation-state and ethnic nationalism, other territorial issues between nation-states have attracted relatively little attention. The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to the movement for restoring the Northern Territories, which constitutes a longstanding problem between Japan and Russia, as an example of these issues, and to examine its implications for geography.
    The issue of the Northern Territories, which are located east of Hokkaido and belong to Japan, emerged in 1945 when troops of the former USSR occupied them. The movement for the restoration of the Territories to Japan started immediately due to extreme pressure from former islanders and local people whose economic base lay mainly in long shore fisheries. A few years later, organizations for the movement were formed. Their main purpose was to popularize the recognition that the restoration problem was a national task for all Japanese and to plan a process of diplomatic negotiations with present-day Russia. This implies that the restoration movement required 'nationalism' from the Japanese side.
    From interviews with those in charge of this movement, however, the following findings were obtained. Although the purpose of the movement is to realize restoration by popularizing the territorial issue among all Japanese citizens, the people concerned with the movement cannot directly be engaged in diplomatic negotiations. A promising indication of a settlement has not yet been found. In recent years, the perpetuation of the movement itself has become its prime purpose.
    Noticeable in this context is a recent division among people concerned with the movement. On the one hand, former islanders and their descendants know that the problem of the Northern Territories is a national problem, particularly the former islanders, for whom the Territories are home and who have shown great support for the movement. On the other hand, people who were not born or who had not grown up there and are thus only under an obligation to be involved in the movement, have not supported it so strongly. Nowadays, it is rather unusual for former islanders and their descendants to expect to migrate to the Territories even after possible restoration, but they generally think that the movement as a national task should continue. Partly due to the development of local exchange with Russians in the Territories, descendants of the younger generation are not necessarily aware that their restoration is a national issue.
    As a result, the movement framework based on such awareness seems to have been in process of becoming a mere shell, and solidarity within the organizations concerned has weakened. In the meantime, the intention of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs concerning this territorial problem is also related to current international relations, and, as a result, the feelings of former islanders are not fully taken into account. Accordingly, the restoration movement is limited in the sense that the Japanese state does not unit with Japanese citizens.
  • 大森 房吉
    氣象集誌. 第1輯
    1911年 30 巻 1 号 5-7
    発行日: 1911/01/28
    公開日: 2009/02/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―観光動機とナショナリズムをめぐって―
    中村 八重
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2011年 2011 巻 SMa4
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/05/20
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    本報告は韓国人による対馬観光を取り上げる。国境を超える韓国人の対馬観光はどのような行為であるか観光の動機と実態を探ることを目的とする。国境の島としての対馬のアイデンティティはむしろ、近接性や経済性そして韓国で広く共有されている「対馬は韓国の
    領土
    であった」という認識のもとに理解されて、韓国人観光客が対馬を訪れる動機になっていることを指摘する。
  • 有木 宗一郎
    ソ連・東欧学会年報
    1982年 1982 巻 11 号 72-79
    発行日: 1982年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山形 孝夫
    インターカルチュラル
    2007年 5 巻 50-55
    発行日: 2007/06/15
    公開日: 2023/11/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 中川 良三
    安全工学
    1992年 31 巻 3 号 197-202
    発行日: 1992/06/15
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    1991年9月,北方

    領土
    の択捉島,色丹島および国後島の環境調査として・飲料水,河川水,温畢水の溶存無機化学成分の分析を行った、 北方
    領土
    には大気汚染も重金属汚染も農薬汚染もなく,環境地球化学的バックグラウンドを求めるフィールドとして最適であった。しかし,住居地域においては水産加工工場の廃水や島民の生活雑排水による河川,湖沼,海洋の水質汚濁は深刻な状態であった。調査の結果,天然水の川水を処理することなく飲料水としている水道水は,ほとんどの試水において日本の水道水の水質基準以上のCOD,アンモニ
    ウムイオンおよび重金属が含まれており,生活雑排水によって汚染されていた.

  • 国際政治研究の先端3
    泉川 泰博
    国際政治
    2006年 2006 巻 144 号 130-145,L17
    発行日: 2006/02/28
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    From 1955 to 1956, Japan conducted a series of negotiations with the Soviet Union to normalize the bilateral relations. During the negotiations, the most difficult obstacle to agreement turned out to be the issue of the Northern Territory, as Japan refers to the four disputed islands in the Kurile island chain. While difficulty on this issue had been expected, it became even more difficult because of U. S. involvement in the process. Based on archival evidence, this article analyzes the role of the United States in the Soviet-Japanese negotiations, and investigates how U. S. and Japan's negotiation strategies interacted.
    Previous research has contributed to interesting findings about the role of the United States in Soviet-Japanese negotiations. First, it is now known that the United States constrained Japan from making concessions on the territorial issue to the Soviet Union, fearing that the resolution of the issue might encourage Japan to demand the return of Okinawa. Second, until the Soviet Union made a proposal to return two of the islands (Habomai and Shikotan) in August 1955, Japan had not demanded the return of the four islands including Kunashiri and Etorofu. Japan started doing so to prolong the negotiations at least partly because it feared that an easy conclusion of the negotiations might upset the United States.
    However, there remain some puzzles regarding how Japan and the United States attempted to influence each other to determine how Japan would conduct the negotiations with the Soviet Union. This article aims to answer such puzzles by carefully analyzing the newly found archival documents. For instance, newly discovered archival documents show that Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu probably recognized from an early stage of the Soviet-Japanese negotiations that the success of the negotiations would ultimately depend on the U. S. position on the territorial issue. Therefore, Shigemitsu devised tactics to obtain U. S. consent to Japan's giving up of Kunashiri and Etorofu in return for obtaining Habomai and Shikotan to conclude the negotiations with the Soviets. (The United States would have regarded such a concession as a violation of the San Francisco Peace Treaty.) In the end, however, by issuing the aide memoire on the issue of the Northern Territory, the United States was able to take advantage of internal divisions among political factions among the ruling Liberal Democratic Party to nullify Shigemitsu's efforts.
    In the concluding section, the author summarizes the main findings of this research. Then, the author argues that Japanese policy makers may have learned from this experience the difficulty in pursuing Japan's independent foreign policy, making them reluctant to conduct diplomacy in a way that might even marginally damage U. S. interests.
  • 國吉 まこも, 佐々木 貴文
    地域漁業研究
    2019年 59 巻 1 号 48-55
    発行日: 2019/05/20
    公開日: 2020/06/26
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス

    This article aims to elucidate economic development in the Senkaku Islands that centered on fishing for nearly a decade prior to their territorial incorporation into Japan in 1895. Analysis of primary materials discovered recently through the “Research Report on Archives of Senkaku Islands,” commissioned by the Office of Policy Planning and Coordination on Territory and Sovereignty, Cabinet Secretariat, some of them still undisclosed, revealed that (1) Japan had engaged in the economic development of Senakaku islands even before the Meiji government incorporated them into Japan; (2) during this process, Okinawa Prefecture recognized the need for regulation of fishery and appealed to the government for incorporation of the islands; and (3) as other countries did not raise any objection, the government determined that the islands were unclaimed and incorporated them into Japan.

  • 地学雑誌
    1913年 25 巻 9 号 674a
    発行日: 1913/09/15
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 八木 久美子
    オリエント
    1994年 37 巻 2 号 142-156
    発行日: 1994年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Naguib Mahfouz is a world-famous novelist of Egypt. He is widely known with his social novels set in modern Egypt. His first three novels, which are set in Pharaonic Egypt, have not been studied enough so far. They are works loyal to the so-called ‘Pharaonicism’ which characterized the national literature of Egypt in the twenties of this century. The national literature was itself a new trend to give a literary expression to ‘the territorial nationalism’, or the orientation toward a nation-state. Consequently, these three works of Mahfouz are not negligible for understanding the nature of ‘the territorial nationalism’ and why this movement rapidly receded into the background in the thirties.
    First of all, loyal to the Pharaonicism, Mahfouz presents the ideal image of Egypt, particularly in terms of the relationship between the rulers and the ruled, in Pharaonic Egypt. This ideal image is the very image of Egypt for which Mahfouz strives. At the same time, he never fails to covertly criticize the social corruption and injustice in the real society of Egypt. However, ‘Pharaonicism’ itself has its own limitations. As Pharaonic Egypt has never been symbolic of anything positive for Egyptians until its historical value was recognized by western scholars, it cannot contribute to the legitimatization of the new ideal image of Egypt.
    Secondly, ‘the territorial nationalism’ was supported mainly by western-educated intellectuals such as Mahfouz. The most serious problem for them in propagating their thought was how to communicate with the masses. The gap between these two groups of people was almost unbridgeable in those days. In these ‘Historical Works’ of Mahfouz, the masses are described as faceless and particularly as a group of people easily maneuvered by men of religion.
    These works of Mahfouz shed light on the weakness of the western-educated intellectuals calling for ‘the territorial nationalism’.
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