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  • ―中国雲南省西盟ワ族自治県を中心にして
    張 正軍
    アジア民族文化研究
    2011年 10 巻 169-186
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2020/05/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 工藤 隆
    アジア民族文化研究
    2005年 4 巻 1-45
    発行日: 2005/03/31
    公開日: 2020/04/01
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 岡部 隆志
    アジア民族文化研究
    2009年 8 巻 167-190
    発行日: 2009/03/31
    公開日: 2020/05/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • マルタにおける性的な葛藤をめぐって
    藤原 久仁子
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2008年 2008 巻 F-9
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2008/05/27
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    カトリックの聖職者は教義上独身であらねばならないが、一般のカトリック教徒は家族を形成し子を産み育ててゆく。聖職者と平信徒に対する教義のいわばダブル・スタンダードの狭間で悩むのが「善きカトリック教徒」と呼ばれる人々である。彼ら彼女たちはいかなるコンフリクトを抱え、それを解消あるいは解消しきれないまま「善きカトリック」であり続けているのか。本発表では特に性的なコンフリクトに焦点を当てて考察することにしたい。
  • 伊能 嘉矩
    東京人類學會雜誌
    1897年 12 巻 135 号 333-344
    発行日: 1897/06/28
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―マリコン村のサボサッブとパスックについて
    乾 尚彦
    アジア民族文化研究
    2014年 13 巻 67-139
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2020/05/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 杉島 敬志
    民族學研究
    1994年 59 巻 1 号 80-83
    発行日: 1994/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山口 敦史
    日本文学
    2007年 56 巻 6 号 48-49
    発行日: 2007/06/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • *原口 直希
    日本映画学会大会報告集
    2022年 18 巻
    発行日: 2022/12/10
    公開日: 2024/03/25
    会議録・要旨集 オープンアクセス
  • 植民地の遺物の暴力性が発揮される状況に関する一考察
    宮岡 真央子
    日本文化人類学会研究大会発表要旨集
    2013年 2013 巻 PHa1
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2013/05/27
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
     分科会「日本認識の形成からみた植民地支配、戦争の記憶」において、本発表では、台湾総督府が清朝期の通事(政府公認の原住民族との交易人)呉鳳なる人物を、自分の命と引き替えに原住民族ツォウの
    首狩り
    慣行を放棄させた「義人」に仕立て上げ、その廟を再建した歴史に注目し、現在の呉鳳をめぐる信仰・政治・記憶のあり方を検討することにより、植民地の遺物が原住民族に対してなお暴力性を発揮する状況について考察する。
  • 動物範疇のパロールとして
    合田 濤
    東南アジア研究
    1979年 16 巻 4 号 555-591
    発行日: 1979年
    公開日: 2018/06/02
    ジャーナル フリー
     The aims of this paper are to present some field data on the rites of passage of the Bontok Igorot of northern Luzon and to give a structural analysis of these ritual performances. Living space of the Bontok is classified into such categories as house, residential place, terrace field, forest and so on based on the relative degree of inside/outside opposition. The same principle of classification seems to be applied to the animal-plant categories and cooking categories as well as the categories of socio-religious activity. The ritual process of rites of passage is nothing but a transformational process of the category of human being. This symbolic transformation is realized by using many classified symbols such as animal, plant, living space and ambiguous boundary. Killing (head hunting, sacrifice, harvesting) and cooking are agents of transformation which act on categories of three levels of creatures such as men, animals and rice plants. Among the Bontok, ritual performance is a parol of the symbolic classification of their world, and ritual process is ordered by their fundamental classification systems and restricted agents of transformation.
  • ――ボントック族の葬礼と世界観――
    合田 濤
    東南アジア研究
    1986年 24 巻 3 号 289-317
    発行日: 1986/12/31
    公開日: 2018/02/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper focuses on the funeral ceremony of an old man named Odchas, a Bontok who resided in Mountain Province, Northern Luzon, the Philippines. It details the process of the funeral ceremony, then discusses the cosmology of the Bontok, which gives order to the ritual process and kinship behaviors.
     Although the Bontok believe in sorcery, they often ascribe such misfortunes as accidental death, epidemics, sterility, disease of livestock and crops, landslide and fire to aníto or spiritual beings in general. The Bontok have an elaborate system of knowledge about aníto, and their rituals for aníto consist of many taboos, ritual seclusion, animal sacrifice, ritual head-hunting, mock fighting and prayer [合田 1976; 1977; 1979].
     Until recently, the Bontok practiced head-hunting, which not only involves physical aggression between different villages but is closely related to their belief in supernatural beings. For example, fomáfag, the spirits of beheaded enemies, are believed to cause a number of misfortunes to the villagers. In the Bontok system of belief, the living and the dead are not always clearly distinguished. Aníto are believed to be present everywhere and to cause trouble or even to possess people.
     The death of a fellow villager, especially at the hands of outsiders, is an occasion when the Bontok disclose their inner feelings of agitation, fear, hatred and resentment. This is because the death is not a single misfortune but rather the beginning of a battle of head-hunting, as well as an omen of all kinds of misfortunes. People are excited and proud when their fellow villagers win a fight with people from another village, for they believe it will bring fertility and prosperity to their village.
     In this light, their ways of dealing with sickness and death can be regarded as part of the process in which they classify and interpret misfortune in order to recover fertility and prosperity.
     Rituals are generally seen as a system of planned and formalized symbolic activities. This is true of animal sacrifice and recital of myth as performed by the Bontok, in which the details of the ritual are rigidly prescribed by the context. But this is not the case with funerals. During the funeral ceremony, people should observe a ritual holiday or té-er.
     When the day is declared to be té-er, the village is closed and the whole community is cut off from the outside world. A rainbow or a hawk flying over residential space, both of which considered bad omens, bring an immediate end to the ritual holiday. Moreover, the fall of an object from a wall in the house of deceased, the cracking of a hearth-stone, or the dropping of unhusked rice from the winnowing basket during a funeral ceremony are also bad omens that need to be dealt with properly. Aníto sometimes cause illness or possess villagers and cause them to act strangely.
     Such unexpected events during a funeral ceremony may change the course of the ritual process. Thus, only the system of knowledge that classifies and interprets these incidents and ways to deal with each situation is fixed; the ritual process itself varies depending on what happens during the course of the funeral ceremony.
  • 奥西 峻介
    オリエント
    1993年 36 巻 1 号 107-117
    発行日: 1993/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 林 勝龍
    スポーツ人類學研究
    2011年 2011 巻 13 号 17-38
    発行日: 2011/12/31
    公開日: 2023/01/27
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
      Taiwan became the first Japanese colony in 1895. At that time, there were three main ethnic groups in Taiwan, namely Japanese, Chinese (Han) and aborigines. Governor-General of Taiwan regarded Chinese as a more civilized group while aborigines as savages, rebellious and uncivilized group. In early periods, Governor-General of Taiwan suppressed the aborigines by armed force in one hand, and simultaneously implemented Aborigine Policy in dimensions of education, production, medication and tourism. The so-called Aborigine Policy also implies the meaning of Japanization policy. According to Fujii(l989), resource exploitation was the primary purpose of Governor-General of Taiwan thus "Aborigine Policy" was established to draw forestry resources from Taiwan reasonably.
      The main purpose of this research is to find how Governor-General of Taiwan implemented Aborigine Policy to aborigines by way of baseball. In early period of Japanese governing, the aborigines in Taiwan were regarded as a savage and uncivilized group. However, the negative stereotype on the aborigines started to change after the special civilized-group ''Nokodan" baseball team went fighting in west Taiwan and visited Japan. Conclusions are as follows:
    1. Eguchi promoted Aborigine Policy for long time and modified the image of the aborigines in Taiwan from negative to positive.
    2. While competing with Japanese team in Taiwan and Japan, "Nokodan" baseball team made audiences feel that the aborigines were gradually civilized.
    3. "Nokodan" baseball team seemed like a moving showcase for the success of Aborigine Policy. In competitions, they displayed Japanese manner like politeness and humbleness which they had learned from the School of Agriculture in Hualien Harbor.
  • フィリピン・ルソン島カリンガ族の生活空間に関する研究
    平田 隆行, 重村 力
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2011年 76 巻 659 号 53-60
    発行日: 2011/01/30
    公開日: 2011/03/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify the spatial structure of Kaliga-Butbut village, Northern Luzon, Philippines. This paper is composed of three main chapters. 1)Analyzing their space vocabulary, their orientation concept and territorial concept were clarified. 2) Land ownership varies by land use, like rice terrace, housing lot, pine woodland. As different from the rice terrace land-use, the concept of land ownership has weakened. 3) Analyzing the actual village map by these spatial concept, like orientation, territory or land ownership. Consequently, the role of the rice terrace in the village space was clarified.
  • 熊野 建
    スポーツ人類學研究
    1999年 1999 巻 1 号 1-23
    発行日: 1999/12/01
    公開日: 2011/06/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to describe the native wrestling and other games, which have been performed in the ritual settings of Ifugao society, Philippines. Such ritual games and competitions need to be disclosed and comprehended within the cultural context of Ifugao society. Since the consciousness of rivalry symbolically relates with the world view shared by the Ifugao individuals, especially metaphysical usages of power, the connotation of Ifugao magic, sorcery and its protection should be considered to unravel the differences of violence found between competition and sorcery.
    The Ifugao is renown for large scaled rice terraces for some thousands years at the southeastern part of Cordillera mountains in the northern Luzon island. The UNESCO recognizes its rice terraces as one of the world cultural heritages in 1995.
    Barton is probably the first anthropologist who noticed the Ifugao wrestling and introduced it as “bultong” in his study of law and customs [1919]. He shortly described its wrestling as an ordeal observed when the embroilment over the possession of a rice terrace should be disposed. However he excluded its cultural aspects from his descriptions of bultong.
    People of Hapao at the Hungduan municipality, Ifugao province, call their wrestling “dopap” instead of bultong mentioned by Barton, though they belong to the same dialect group with Kiangan where Barton conducted his researches. Nowadays they never practice dopap as a device for an ordeal, but they still inherit it well in their society. My research is based on the interviews of the native taxonomy on dopap, such as wrestling styles and techniques.
    The distinguished features of dopap as an ordeal were as followings : (1) Before the wrestling match began, the perfqrmers negotiated and decided which style should be chosen, which techniques should be prohibited and how many times to wrestle. (2) Since wrestlers fought in a rice pond, there were some limitations on available techniques. (3) In the wrestling match, direct body contacts and strength of players were more emphasized than techniques. (4) Ritual for reconciliation should be given immediately after wrestling.
    Although the dopap was uniquely flourished in Ifugao culture, people of Hapao seemed to prefer ritual 'lance throwing' called duha for an ordeal. The reason of such preference should be clarified by deliberating the differences between dopap and duha, and symbolic meanings of both 'wrestling' and 'lance' must be taken into consideration.
    A Village of Hapao is geographically divided into two parts by the natural boundary of the Hapao River. In early April, two groups used to gather respectively both the riverbanks and attend to a communal meeting so called tungo. Tungo was a rite held during the agricultural interval before rice harvest, and the contest by a 'tag-of-war' in the river called pun'ok was performed in this occasion. This ritual game was thought of as water festival. When players slipped off into the river, the upside downs of players' body symbolically represented cultural structure of Ifugao in both topological changes and time passages. For example, the dominance of upriver (daya) is giving way to downriver (lagud) and a dry season turned into a raining season, famine is replaced to fertility. Another game called hakingking also held during the tungo supported this interpretation. The Ifugao cultural structure exemplifies the resembled Japanese cultural one, which Auehant (1981) pointed out through analysis of Japanese traditional Sumo-wrestling with other cultural elements.
    Secularized plays and games together with modernization entered Hapao and social changes became so serious since early 1960s. Today, the municipal government revived this tungo for the regional development of tourism since 1992, and it is held every two years now. Some competitions are modernized, and the ritual and social significance of competitions mentioned
  • ―カヤン人女性の高径データの分析から―
    下田 敦子, Than Naing, 大澤 清二
    人間生活文化研究
    2015年 2015 巻 25 号 272-286
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2015/11/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    カヤン社会(カヤン人ラフィグループ)の女性は,児童期から長大な真鍮製の首輪(成人女性用の首輪の重さは約3kg)を装着する,という習慣(身体変工)を今なお保持している.こうした身体変工は身体形質(形態),体構(プロポーション)に,どのような影響を及ぼすのであろうか―これを解明するために筆者らは,カヤン人ラフィグループの人々が多く居住するとされるミャンマー連邦共和国カヤー州ディモソー地区のS村,R村,P村を調査地として,人類学的計測を主とした現地調査を2012年より継続して行っている.そこで本論文では,児童期から首輪を装着しているカヤン女性(76人)と,装着していない(装着した経験がない)カヤン女性(52人)を対象として行った人類学的計測のデータから,首輪の装着が身体に及ぼす影響について検討した.その結果,形態の主要な11個の高径項目,および同項目により定義したプロポーションを表現する10個のプロポーション項目を取り上げて,装着群と非装着群との2群間の較差をt値により評価したところ,11個の高径項目のうち,装着群が有意に大きいt値を示したのは,頸長(t0=9.507)と頭頸長(t0=8.161)であった.10個のプロポーション項目による比較でも,装着群が有意に大きなt値を示したのは頸長(t0=9.508),頭頸長(t0=9.003)であった.この結果を基にさらに考察したところ,首輪を装着している女性は,首輪を装着していない女性に比べて,形態,プロポーションに大きな変容をきたすことが明らかであり,特に,頸部を中心として胸骨上縁より上部における影響は著しく,肩の位置,上肢(中指端高)へも影響が大きいことが明らかになった.
  • とくにナガ族について
    平木 光二
    印度學佛教學研究
    1998年 47 巻 1 号 299-294
    発行日: 1998/12/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 合田 濤
    民族學研究
    1972年 37 巻 1 号 1-27
    発行日: 1972/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 下田 敦子, 大澤 清二
    人間生活文化研究
    2017年 2017 巻 27 号 610-620
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/12/15
    ジャーナル フリー

    ミャンマー最深部に居住するカヤン人(カレン族のサブグループ,カヤン語を母語とする)女性は頸部に真鍮製のコイル状の重く長大な首輪を生涯に亘って装着し続けるという伝統を今もなお継承している.カヤン人の多くが暮らすミャンマー東部のカヤー州ディモソー地区(T村,S村,R村,P村)においては,全女性人口の10.6%が首輪を装着している(下田,2015).しかしながら,この奇習の理由ははっきりとせず,定説があるわけでもない.一方で,近代化による急激な生活様式の変化により,この習慣は徐々に消失しつつある.「人は何故,苦痛を伴ってでも身体に装飾を施すのか?」「美を装うために人は身体変工をするのか?」本研究では,この地区において「首輪を装着しているカヤン女性」「首輪を装着していないカヤン女性」「カヤン男性」という3群を設定し,首輪装着についての美醜観について聞き取り調査を行い,主成分分析により探索した.その結果,以下のことが明らかになった.
    1)首輪を装着している女性たちは自分たちの身体変工について非常に肯定的であり,美しいと意識している.
    2)首輪を装着している女性はモノとしての首輪についての負担感を持っている.

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