詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "馮立"
10件中 1-10の結果を表示しています
  • *荒木 令江, 湯之上 俊二, 徳王 宏, 小澤 達也, 馮 立平, 川野 克己, 戸田 年総, 荒木 朋洋, 次田 晧, 吉良 潤-, 佐谷 秀行
    日本プロテオーム学会大会要旨集
    2003年 2003 巻 1A5
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2015/10/01
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 黄 栄清, 南條 善治
    人口学研究
    1998年 22 巻 25-30
    発行日: 1998/05/31
    公開日: 2017/09/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 龍彦
    科学史研究
    2001年 40 巻 217 号 39-40
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2021/08/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡田 啓介, 大滝 英夫
    日本水産学会誌
    1971年 37 巻 2 号 75-82
    発行日: 1971/02/25
    公開日: 2008/02/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ribbon fish, Trichiurus lepturus LINNÉ, is an economically important species in the East China Sea and the Yellow Sea. The amount of its catch has reached 50, 000-56, 000 tons (1967-'69), which is equivalent to about 17% of the total catch of demersal fish.
    A total of 2, 561 fish out of the East China Sea population caught by angling were tagged and then released in the 329th, 330th, and 340th official blocks (Table 1, Fig.
    2). Fifty-five individuals were recovered by the end of March, 1970, which gave a recovery rate of 2.1%. 45% of the total number of the recovered fish was actually recaptured within two months after they were released (Table 2).
    The comparison of the monthly distribution of the population density and the results of tagging indicated that the ribbon fish moved from the releasing areas toward the western seas off Quelpart Island and also up to 35°N (Fig. 6).
    Based on the present findings, it could presumably be suggested that there is considerable intermingling between the two populations of ribbon fish, the Yellow Sea population and the East China Sea population.
  • 支那音樂史要綱 (三)
    瀧 遼一
    東洋音楽研究
    1942年 2 巻 4 号 253-263
    発行日: 1942/07/10
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • Hiroyuki KOBAYASHI
    Historia Scientiarum. Second Series: International Journal of the History of Science Society of Japan
    2023年 32 巻 2 号 117-138
    発行日: 2023/03/31
    公開日: 2024/02/05
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    The correspondence between Tang Shunzhi 唐順之 (1507–1560) and Gu Yingxiang 顧応祥 (1483–1565) in mid-sixteenth century China illuminates their contrasting views on mathematics. While Tang worked to retrieve the hidden “golden needle” of the Shoushi 授時 astronomical system (composed in 1280), Gu removed from Li Ye’s 李冶 (1192–1279) Ceyuan haijing 測円海鏡 (1248) the parts most pertinent to Tang’s endeavors. To address the stark contrast, this article examines their own correspondence and several related texts. I show that Tang and Gu held radically different views on the meaning of numbers and calculations, and indeed on the very purpose of learning mathematics. I also review the discovery of the “tianyuan 天元 procedure” in the eighteenth century, which determined how Gu was finally regarded by historians of Chinese mathematics.

  • 小林 博行
    科学史研究
    2014年 53 巻 269 号 85-98
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2020/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Seki Teisyo (関訂書), a manuscript compiled by Seki Takakazu (関孝和) in 1686, is known to consist of 15 treatises which Seki extracted from an early Qing astronomical and astrological corpus, the Tianwen Dacheng Guankui Jiyao (天文大成管窺輯要). Containing a detailed account of the Shoushi Li (授時暦) as well as a comparative study of Chinese and Islamic calendrical systems, these treatises have drawn the attention not only of Seki but of modern historians. In this paper, I show that 14 of the 15 treatises Seki selected had been composed by a late Ming scholar, Zhou Shuxue (周述学), who discussed issues with Tang Shunzhi (唐順之). Their time predates the era in which the mathematical basis of the Shoushi Li was scrutinized and a new Chinese calendrical system was invented incorporating Western astronomical knowledge. I also mention some earlier works that Tang and Zhou could have consulted. Although Seki never knew the author of the treatises nor their background, his concern centered on themes that seem to have derived from one of those earlier works: the Liyuan (暦源).
  • 改革・開放時期の医療経済理論および「医療改革」の政策を中心に
    査 建華
    日本医療経済学会会報
    2004年 23 巻 1 号 31-49
    発行日: 2004/06/01
    公開日: 2017/09/15
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本稿は、現代中国の医療経済理論研究の歴史と現状から、改革・開放時期の医療経済理論を中心に紹介することを課題としている。ここでは、まず、中国の医療経済理論研究に関する大学、研究機構、人員、書籍、専門誌の状況の紹介、医療・保健の統計状況と動向を紹介し、次に現代中国の医療経済理論の定義・研究の内容、主なテーマと論点を紹介する。そのうえで中国の医療改革の施策と医療経済理論の関連性、そして両者の特徴を分析する。最後に、日本と中国の医療経済研究に関する交流を紹介する。
  • 林 美希
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 7 号 1247-1272
    発行日: 2012/07/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article attempts not only to determine the institutional transition of the Northern Command (Beiya 北衙) system but also elucidate the interrelation between its development and coups d'etat that occurred during the early Tang period. The early Beiya, which also denominated the Four Imperial Armies of the North Gates (Beimen Sijun 北門四軍), can be divided into two regiments according to their role: the Garrison and the Imperial Guard. The Garrison, called the Flying Cavalry (Feiqi 飛騎), larger sized regiment of the Beiya, was established as the Seven Encampments of the Northern Command (Beiya Qiying 北衙七営), later transformed into the Left and Right Encampments (Zuoyou Zhunying 左右屯営) during the Taizong 太宗 era, then expanded and renamed the Left and Right Forest of Plumes Armies (Zuoyou Youlin Jun 左右羽林軍) during the Gaozong 高宗 era. They were permanently stationed at the North Gate, the Gate of the Black Tortoise (Xuanwu Men 玄武門), in order to defend the northern section of Chang'an Palace. Whereas the Garrison generally protected the palace and the Emperor within it, the Imperial Guards accompanied the Emperor whenever he left the palace for hunting or progresses. The Guards of the Yulin Jun developed from the Hundred Cavaliers (Baiqi 百騎) during the Taizong era, through the Thousand Cavaliers (Qianqi 千騎) during the reign of the Empress Wu, then the Left and Right Myriad Cavaliers (Zuoyou Wanqi 左右万騎) during the Zhongzong 中宗 era, and finally were promoted to the Left and Right Militant-as-Dragons Armies (Zuoyou Longwu jun 左右龍武軍) during the Xuanzong 玄宗 era. It should especially be noted that the development of the early Beiya virtually coincides with the rapid rise of the Imperial Guards, and ultimately the military strength of the Garrison and the Guards was completely reversed by the end of the early Tang period. Comparing the developmental stages of the Beiya mentioned above with the dates in which coups occurred, we can discern a close correlation between the military growth of the Beiya and these acts of rebellion. Whenever a coups d'etat was attempted, the Beiya was always made full use of in eliminating political opponents, and consequently, within the Beiya, the Garrison and the Guards gradually began to compete with each other. Although the Guards were little more than a small group within the Yulin Jun at the beginning, their utilization during coups triggered the regiment's expansion repeatedly, such that the more coups occurred, the more increases in personnel and military growth occurred only in the Guards. Therefore, during the early Tang period, to win a decisive victory in any coup d'etat, it became necessary for claimants to the throne not only to take control of the Beiya itself, but also to ally themselves with whatever was then the stronger of the two regiments inside the Beiya, the Garrison or the Guards.
  • 周 俊
    アジア経済
    2022年 63 巻 4 号 2-32
    発行日: 2022/12/15
    公開日: 2022/12/26
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    広義には調査研究に位置づけられる中央指導者による地方視察は,中国政治を理解する重要なポイントである。本稿は歴史学的アプローチとGISによる可視化の手法を用いて,これまで光が当てられてこなかった毛沢東などの中央指導者による視察の行動様式,諸機能の実態,及び政策過程における視察の意義を考察する。指導者の視察は国内外向けの宣伝材料に転じて宣伝機能を発揮した場合があるものの,その基本的な機能は情報収集であると思われる。しかし,それは往々にして空間的な「壁」と官僚制の「壁」によって阻まれ,「特殊な者」としての毛沢東でさえも例外ではなかった。1955年農業集団化の問題の考察を通じて,視察は末端の実態を客観的に認知する方法というよりも,むしろ,毛沢東が自らの正当性を裏づけるための道具であることが明らかになった。つまり,毛沢東が視察を利用して自らの主張に見合う証拠を探し,政策決定の主導権を握ろうとする構図が看取できる。

feedback
Top