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全文: "386世代"
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  • 韓国における可能性に関する試論的な分析
    張 元皓
    日本都市社会学会年報
    2006年 2006 巻 24 号 119-135
    発行日: 2006/09/15
    公開日: 2011/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」掲示板のユーザーはなぜ「左」では なく「右」を選択しているのか -
    金 善映
    国際情報研究
    2017年 14 巻 1 号 50-61
    発行日: 2017/12/24
    公開日: 2017/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    The recent emerging 'Net Right-Wing' became an important variable in the new trend of conservative swing and hate speech in both Japan and South Korea. This study analyzed “2Channel (rebranded as“5Channel”in October 2017)1)” and “ILBE” bulletin boards, which have recently created a threatening and hostile atmosphere in both countries. The results of the study show that at the root of conservative swing and hate speech lies the frustration of Japan's post-war democracy and of Korea's 1987 system.

  • ――軍事主義との関係から――
    佐々木 正徳
    ジェンダー史学
    2019年 15 巻 19-33
    発行日: 2019/10/20
    公開日: 2020/11/21
    ジャーナル フリー

    In today’s Korea, articles on misogyny and misandry are often found in the media. Also, many Koreans consider misogyny and misandry to be a serious problem. In this paper, I will focus on Korean masculinities in order to clarify the cause of misogyny.

    Section 1 reviews Korean masculinity studies. Through the review, it becomes clear that Korean masculinity has been analyzed using the concepts of “militarism” and “militarization.”

    Section 2 will clarify the change of Korean masculinities from their relation with militarization. Firstly, there have been points in common between the military regime’s masculinities and the prodemocracy masculinities. Secondly, the masculinities called for by the military regime and the IMF Era were similar. Thirdly, since the 2000s, the difference between men and women has been maintained by a way of thinking that men who serve military service are victims of society.

    Section 3 examines the reasons why men are hostile to women using the framework of Messner and Ito. Firstly, a general sense of deprivation felt by today’s young men makes it difficult for them to feel superior to women. Secondly, because of the socialization of male-dominated values in the militarized society, young men’s anger is directed at women.

    In other words, the reason for the spread of misogyny is recent women’s social advancement despite the fact that a debasing attitude toward women still exists in society. In order to break out of the negative cycle of misogyny and misandry, people should realize the following: Firstly, Korean society is a militarized one. Secondly, there is a possibility that people are being socialized by militarization. And lastly, there are differences and inequalities between men.

  • ――ベトナムの非公定記憶を記憶する韓国NGO――
    伊藤 正子
    東南アジア研究
    2010年 48 巻 3 号 294-313
    発行日: 2010/12/31
    公開日: 2017/10/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper aims to examine how reconciliation is developed through apologies towards damages by war, comparing the actions of nation-state, damaged areas and NGOs concerning the Vietnam War. The second aim is to consider official and non-official memories about Vietnam War both in the damaged country and the country that caused damages, further investigating the relationship between a variety of memories and political systems.
     During the Vietnam War, South Korea sent the second largest group of armed forces, but recently the Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings.
     After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription.
     Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan.
     After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.
  • 権 香淑
    アジア研究
    2011年 57 巻 1 号 76-78
    発行日: 2011/01/31
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 内橋 賢悟
    季刊経済理論
    2010年 47 巻 3 号 97-99
    発行日: 2010/10/20
    公開日: 2017/04/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金 銀恵
    日本都市社会学会年報
    2017年 2017 巻 35 号 103-120
    発行日: 2017/09/05
    公開日: 2018/09/05
    ジャーナル フリー

        This study explores the relation between sports mega-events and the making of Gangnam in South Korea after the 1980s. This paper comprises a historical examination of urban planning processes and a case study focusing on the strategies and experiences of residents who has been purchasing apartments. The hosting of 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Olympics triggered construction business, such as urban infrastructure and increasing housing supply. In particular, Jam-sil, Seoul was the site of huge construction projects that entailed the main stadium, Olympic parks, and athletesʼ villages. The structure of housing supply has a shift from state-led development to property-led development, namely, the Joint Redevelopment Program (JRP). The term Gangnamization is a concept used to describe a strong relationship among apartment, education fever, and shopping center for the urban middle class. However, the research results suggest that speculative urbanization in urban middle class will lead to a financial crisis.

  • 権 五定
    社会科研究
    2010年 72 巻 1-9
    発行日: 2010/03/31
    公開日: 2017/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 脱冷戦的改革勢力が前面に出た2002年韓国大統領選挙
    鄭 求宗
    選挙研究
    2004年 19 巻 5-16,171
    発行日: 2004/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    この報告は,冷戦の終焉という国際秩序の変化が国内政治•社会の変化を引き出すという仮説を選挙を通じてどのように確認できるか,その経路を検証することに重点をおいている。2002年韓国の第16代大統領選挙は,地域主義や政党•政策対決に代わる「世代」という変数が選挙過程で深く影響を与え,世代間投票行動の差異が選挙を動かした。世代間対立の軸は,冷戦期間中のイデオロギー的対立のキーワードであった安保観と経済観の差異で形成され,保守と進歩に分かれて争った。世代間の対決では,有権者の48.3%を占める20,30代の若年層有権者が,戦後世代の盧武鉉候補支持態度を確執し,盧氏の勝利に大きく寄与した。この選挙の結果は,国内における冷戦構造の解体を反映するものであった。冷戦期間中の安保観と経済論理は,もはや韓国社会の主流でないことを2002年12月の韓国大統領選挙の結果が教えている。
  • 石田 佐恵子
    フォーラム現代社会学
    2007年 6 巻 35-44
    発行日: 2007/05/26
    公開日: 2017/09/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    メディア文化が高度に細分化・多様化する現代において、年齢層(世代)ごとに明瞭に区分可能な文化を同定することははたして可能なのだろうか。若者文化論、対抗文化論など、かつて世代ごとに区分可能な文化が観察可能であったとして、それらはまさしくマス(=大量)文化を形成するメディア商品とその市場が可能にしていた現象に過ぎなかったのではないか。本報告では、文化研究における差異の問題、世代文化論の困難(問題点)を考察する。世代論の困難は、(1)俗流若者論、(2)世代主義、(3)女の系譜の忘却、の3つの論点にまとめられる。また、1970年代から2000年代までの、世代論のマーケット的意味を概括する。さらに、時代ごとの共通経験や時間感覚を文化研究に反映させるための方法論的な可能性について、メディアの共通経験をキーワードに論ずる。
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