More than fifty years have passed since Korea became free from the colonial rule by Japan. The political, economic and social situation during the post war period has always been serious and was often in disorder. Korean war brought about incredible misery to the Korean society and people were forced to face with all kinds of unfavorable conditions of life. To cope with these miseries, governments have tried to promote social welfare. The military rule which started in 1961 succeeded in the so-called Hangan miracle of economic growth and Korea is now one ofthe most prosperous countries of Asia. But the military regimes regarded social welfare as a means to win the people's support which they had lost when theyobtained political power through coups. Just after they got political hegemony, they passed many laws of social welfare. Social welfare policy of Korea has always been influenced by political factors, not by social or economic factors. We can say that genuine social welfare policy in Korea should be started again by the civil government.

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This paper provides a historical analysis of the Special Permission for Residence (SPR), a discretionary measure of relief for undocumented immigrants in Japan until the 1970s, the period before the Japanese government signed the Refugee Convention. SPR deserves close attention in the sense that it has served as a strategic measure to make Japanese immigration system work for the authority’s purposes. According to the Immigration Bureau, decisions to grant permission are made from two apparently incompatible points of view, namely,“humanitarian considerations”and“national interests,”although it seems that the latter has always been given priority over the former in actual cases. It needs to be explained how this relief measure was incorporated and utilized in the postwar Japanʼs immigration control system.

The historical origin of the SPR in Japan was the relief measure during the Allied Occupation granted to illegalized immigrants, Korean in most cases, based on a petition submitted to the General Headquarters. After the restoration of sovereignty, as the South Korean government refused to accept deportees, the Japanese government reintroduced this relief measure, from an allegedly “humanitarian”standpoint, for those to be deported. Thus, the SPR functioned as a complement to postwar Japanʼs foreign policy of reincorporating itself into the international community while avoiding postcolonial responsibilities. On the other hand, the SPR was never applied to political refugees in spite of the existence of those seeking asylum in Japan. It was in this situation that three cases in court filed in the 1960s functioned as challenges to Japanʼs immigration policy. The results of these cases showed that Japanʼs immigration authority was never tolerant of any substantial restrictions to its large discretionary power over immigrants.

Namely, the authority succeeded in reversing the judgement to restrict its discretionary power by a particular international norm, a political offense exception in extradition, whereas it did not strongly resist the judgement to restrict its discretionary power by an universal but abstract humanitarian principle.

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本研究は，第二次大戦後の韓国・台湾の法整備における都市計画と建築の分離の背景を分析した。日本の建築基準法が移入されたため，韓国の都市計画法と建築法は分離した。台湾を統治した中華民国では、既存の都市計画法と建築法が機能していて、台湾都市計画令はそれらの施行令として運用された後，法整備の過程で既存の法体系に吸収された。本研究は，都市計画・建築法令の統合や分離という形態のみを以て優劣を論ずることには限界がある，と結論した。

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Irrigation organizations in South Korea consist of two types: customary and institutionalized. The latter type, named Farmland Improvement Associations (FLIAs) from 1970 until 2000, are characterized by their semi-official, bureaucratic system strongly controlled by the government, and can be regarded as the successors of those organizations that existed in the colonial period. At the end of the 1980s, South Korean peasants developed an anti-FLIA movement, refusing to pay water charges. They had suffered from a decline in the price of agricultural produce as a result of the 1980s open-market policy. In addition, they demanded the dissolution of the FLIAs as a remnant of colonial rule. Eventually, direct elections for the director and the council members were introduced and water charges were reduced drastically in 1989. The basic principle of the structural adjustment program that was executed after the financial crisis in 1997 was privatization of the public sector. The Ministry of Agriculture, however, managed to establish a gigantic nation-wide public corporation for irrigation in 2000 as a unified body of FLIAs, by taking advantage of the peasant union's opinion that the FLIAs and water charges should be abolished as a remnant of colonial rule. That opinion was regarded as legitimate and persuasive, appealing to the public sentiment of anti-colonialism, and was widely accepted by the South Korean people, so that the Ministry of Agriculture succeeded in its maneuvering. In the process, water charges were completely abolished. In the area of customary irrigation organizations, peasants conduct communal operations voluntarily for ditch maintenance. In the case of FLIAs, major ditch maintenance was conducted by FLIA staff directly, whereas small ditch maintenance was conducted by communal operations by peasants. The reduction and abolition of water charges, however, weakened peasants' incentive to participate in communal operations. FLIAs and the newly established public corporation have been forced to bear additional expenses for ditch maintenance, which are subsidized from government finances. The historical experience of Korean people when colonized by Japan has inclined them to give priority to eliminating the remnants of colonial rule. The idea of the abolition of water charges, however, is not a reasonable policy, as far as the organizational management of irrigation organizations is concerned. The public corporation started a new program to mobilize peasants. They try to organize communal groups of peasants for small ditch maintenance in order to minimize expenditure, by financially supporting such group activities.

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Media and Information Literacy (MIL) in South Korea began as a civic movement by intellectuals, journalists, and students during the military dictatorship in the 1970s. After the June Conflict and the end of the military dictatorship in 1987, the guarantee of freedom of thought and expression was also expanded. In the 1990s, opposition parties, critical intellectuals, and civil society groups demanded legislation on freedom of expression and the right to know, as well as institutional reforms such as public access for the media. The 2000s saw the beginning of government support for MIL, including public access. Regional media centers were also established. In 2009, the 2007 Revised Curriculum, which incorporates critical reading and creation of media, was applied. We have now entered a new phase in the search for a MIL for a mature democracy. And in 2020, UNESCO announced the “MIL Seoul Declaration by All for All” at the Global MIL Week. From now on, it is expected that there will be continuous dialogue and cooperation between Japan and South Korea for the development of MIL. Today’s challenges include the following: 1. Achieving a balanced MIL and dealing with disinformation and hate speech. 2. Establishing an on- and offline education system. 3. Achieve digital inclusion. 4. Guarantee MIL as a basic education to all citizens. 5. Enact the “MIL Basic Law”. In Korea, the relevant ministries and agencies have jointly decided on the “Comprehensive Plan for Strengthening Digital Media and Communication Capabilities.” In other words, the plan aims to expand the infrastructure of on- and offline media education, strengthen the people’s ability to produce digital media and discern media information, and expand the digital citizenship of compassion and participation.

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I had determine the Korean Capitalism as oversea reproduction and cycle structure in 1986 (Tochiseidoshigaku No. 113). This structure had been defined in 3 points : 1) the oversea dependence in instrument of labour and subject of labour 2) production of domestic labour force 3) compulsory export. This structure was established in 1980 in Korea. It was produced by Japan and U.S. in the dissolution of the cold war system. So the fundamental factor was outside of Korea. In my article I had to drop the historical point of view to emphasize the sturcture. Therefor this paper summarizes history of Korean capitalism after the Second World War. Through my work, I would like to clear the structure of korean capitalism. The first period: 1945-1953: The dissolution and reorganization period of colonial structure. The second period: 1953-1961: The assistance reliance and reduce reproduction period. The third period: 1961-1971: The preliminary period of over sea reproduction and cycle structure. The forth period: 1971-1980: The establishment period of over sea reproduction and cycle structure. In this way the aim of this paper is to examine the structure of korean capitalism.

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