This paper discusses the danger that the

act as a bulwark against public authorities intervening in program production,

may threaten the freedom of broadcasting and intimidate broadcasters.

　　The aim of this paper is to investigate several cases in which TV stations

submitted their reports in order to officially express objections to

and to clarify the problems of these decisions and issues that the

should resolve.

　　Through the examination of four cases that fit the above conditions, some

problematic decisions were revealed which the BRC, one of the

had made. These include one case in which the BRC pointed out ethical

problems in TV programs based on a misunderstanding of the facts and mistaken

interpretations by the BRC, and another case in which they concluded

that human rights were violated based on information that had not been broadcasted.

　　The BRC should have an obligation to examine factual information, conduct

verification, clarify the standards of judgment, share their understanding of

broadcasting ethics with TV stations, in order to make equal and fair judgments

to regain the trust of broadcasters.

The

true guardian of the freedom of broadcasting, defending the media from the

authorities that intend to intervene in the broadcasting industry.

　The aim of this paper is to examine the Deliberative Organ （or Council）

for broadcast programmes （Bangumi Shingikai）, a statutory advisory body

established by each TV and radio station in accordance with Japan’s broadcast

act. Together with Programme Standards, the Deliberative Council is a significant

part of ‘Japan’s Regulation Model for Broadcasting’ that ensures the appropriateness

of the broadcast programmes. Designed to be self-regulatory, the

council enables broadcasters and audiences with high esteem to discuss the

quality of the programmes and consider whether they are appropriate for

broadcasting. Despite its importance, little research attention has been given to

the practice of this system. In reflecting upon the history of the system and the

gender and occupational ratio of committee members, this paper focuses on

how terrestrial commercial broadcasting stations have managed the council.

Surveys were also conducted among these stations in 2016, and the results indicate that the system is not fully regarded as a system of self-regulation among

broadcasters, although it is generally valued from the point of programme

improvement.

　　This study examined how school-aged children (elementary school students) who suffered directly from the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011 were stressed by watching video of disasters on TV. This study also examined how that stress was alleviated or promoted based on family conversations during TV viewing. Participants in this study were 61 child-mother pairs. Two-way (duration of TV viewing and five types of family conversations) ANOVA revealed that the duration of TV viewing had a main effect, and stress (measured by physical reaction) was higher in pairs who watched TV for more than two hours a day. In addition, there was significant interaction between the duration of TV viewing and the topics of family conversations (moral topics and preciousness of life or safety measures). Analysis of simple main effects indicated that pairs with less family conversation experienced significantly increased levels of stress (depression and anxiety) when they watched TV more than two hours a day. Pairs with more family conversation also experienced significantly increased levels of stress (physical reaction) when they watched TV more than two hours a day. These results suggest that watching TV for more than two hours a day is a factor that promotes stress and that more family conversations about safety measures, moral topics, and the preciousness of life are a factor that alleviates stress.

Article 175 of Broadcasting Act （“the Act”） requires the submission of

materials by broadcasters, and the Order for Enforcement of Broadcasting Act

（“the Order”） sets out a list of materials to be submitted. But the Order

excludes the details of broadcast programs.

　　For that reason, the Order requires to submit an outline of deliberations of

the Broadcast Program Council, an internal council to discuss broadcast programs

（“the Council”）. The discussion in the Council relates to program contents

and the detailed minutes includes broadcast program material.

　　However, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications （“MIC”）,

the ministry in charge of the Act, issued a circular notice requiring the submission

of detailed minutes in addition to the outline of deliberations of the Council.

The circular notice goes beyond the mandate of the Order, which excludes the

details of broadcast programs from the list of the materials to be submitted.

　　While broadcasters comply with the circular notice and submit the minutes

to MIC, which might lead to MIC’s intervention in broadcast programs, they do

not disclose the minutes to their audiences. This is due to the broadcasters’ lack

of understanding of the fundamental purpose of the Act, as well as their lack of

awareness regarding the protection of their freedom of broadcasting.

　The Japan Commercial Broadcasters Association （JBA） Broadcasting

Standards were established at the same time as the first commercial radio

started in Japan in 1951. It was not legal at first, but independently established

by commercial broadcasters in Japan born in the post-World War II democratic

movements.

　　Thereafter, the revised Broadcast Law requires that broadcasters establish

program standards and Japanese commercial broadcasters apply JBA Broadcast

Standards to their program standards and revise them repeatedly in accordance

with changes in society and the media environment.

　　This article explores the history and background of JBA Broadcast Standards,

and the autonomous and independent attitude of commercial broadcasters

in Japan that has always been criticized by both the politically powerful and

the general public based on various publications of JBA