As data are increasingly mobilized in the service of governments and corporations, their unequal conditions of production, their asymmetrical methods of application, and their unequal effects on both individuals and groups have become increasingly difficult for data scientists--and others who rely on data in their work--to ignore. But it is precisely this power that makes it worth asking: “Data science by whom? Data science for whom? Data science with whose interests in mind?” These are some of the questions that emerge from what we call data feminism, a way of thinking about data science and its communication that is informed by the past several decades of intersectional feminist activism and critical thought. Illustrating data feminism in action, this paper will show how challenges to the male/female binary can help to challenge other hierarchical (and empirically wrong) classification systems; it will explain how an understanding of emotion can expand our ideas about effective data visualization; how the concept of invisible labor can expose the significant human efforts required by our automated systems; and why the data never, ever “speak for themselves.” The goal of this paper, as with the project of data feminism, is to model how scholarship can be transformed into action: how feminist thinking can be operationalized in order to imagine more ethical and equitable data practices.

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Dating apps are not just for hookups but both portals to an exciting virtual world of relational possibilities and sites of power dynamics that reflect the heteronormativity and patriarchy of Chinese society. In this paper, I explain “networked sexual publics” as a theoretical concept to capture the gender and queer politics of dating app culture. I specifically explain two out of five features of “networked sexual publics.” First, dating apps are a site for resistance and dominance. I will illustrate how straight women and the queer communities make use of the various affordances of dating apps to resist patriarchy and heteronormativity, while the latter forces also re-claim their territory. Second, the meanings that dating app users attach to the apps cannot be reduced to psychological motives. With concrete examples, I explain how sex-seeking carries different social meanings to users of different gender and sexual orientation. Through explaining the concept “networked sexual publics,” I map our possible paths for future intersectional, queer, and feminist scholarship on emerging communication technologies.

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This paper examines how the images of users of heterosexual dating matching apps in contemporary Japan have been constructed through various media discourses and what role user representation has played in them, by focusing on articles published in 2021 in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. Discourse analysis and constructionism are used to examine how the image of women who use these apps has been constructed in women's fashion media.The study's result made it clear that in various women's fashion media, not only women who overcome the “risks” assumed with these apps and these who clearly desire marriage when using them, but also women who have diverse motivations for using the apps such as to enhance their “love” or “sex lives,” to realize their desires actively and proactively.Such an ideal image of dating apps users can be seen, as a device for overcoming the various risks associated with the use of matching apps and realizing women's own various desires. At the same time these apps are seen as encouraging women's fashion media readers to follow suit and to use/consume dating apps, which are often considered “risky” and whose use may be discouraged by others.

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Location-based dating apps aimed at gay/bisexual men (gay apps) have become a significant part of social networks worldwide. However, few studies of gay apps have been conducted in Japan, so the voices of Japanese users have rarely been heard. This paper shows how gay Japanese men experience these apps, based on a questionnaire survey of 57 respondents and the author's own self-reflections. Though the respondents are rather homogeneous, the purpose of use and their experiences through gay apps are diverse. Communication and connections within gay apps are not confined to the online world, but also cross new encounters and existing relationships in other places. While the diversity of experiences was commonly indicated, participants' impressions of using the apps for the first time were similar. They noted a sense of surprise that "there are so many gay people." What caused this impact was the apps' proximity-based visualization of other app users and the low level of anonymity of profiles with photos. The difference between the omnipresence of heterosexual encounters and the polarization of gay people in Japanese society brings about these feelings of surprise. To understand the influence of gay apps, researchers need to listen to more of their users' voices.

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The term ‘asexuality’ meaning lack of sexual desire was pathologized a sexual disorder in the1980 DSM III (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders) created by the APA (American Psychiatric Association). The criterion was based not only on the general assumption of sexual desire among humans as natural, but also on sexual normativity to link romance with sex. Eventually, the last edition DSM-V excluded asexuality from the diagnostic criteria of hypoactive sexual desire disorder. This paper examines the arguments that were put forward by AVEN (Asexual Visibility and Education Network) against medical discourses in the revision process of DSM-V. This also shows how they combated the traditional sexual norms behind the discourses. I analyze the 2008 report “Asexuality, DSM, HSDD, and the DSM A Collaborative Report” by a committee formed for the review, the AVEN DSM Task Force. Defining asexuality as a sexual orientation, AVEN did not agree with the medicalization of sexuality, but claimed the exclusion of asexuality from the category of sexual disorders. In conclusion, the AVEN’s endeavor widened sexual norms including marginalized sexual orientations by dissociating sexual desire from romantic attraction unlike conventional combination of them in the revision process.

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This study aims to identify the barriers to access to sexual and reproductive health services for migrants living in Japan. There are more options for contraceptives and abortion care with reasonable costs in the research-targeted countries, China, Vietnam, Nepal, Indonesia, and Myanmar, compared to Japan. A total of 536 people from these countries participated in the questionnaire survey. The results show that 16.3% of women were warned they would have to return home if they became pregnant, and 17.6% of those who had sex partners in Japan experienced unintended pregnancies. Unmarried women chose abortion to prioritize their studies and work, regardless of residence status. The 4A model – Availability (existence/time), Accessibility (location/distance), Affordability (cost), and Acceptability (psychological barrier) – was applied to analyze the barriers. Given these barriers, some migrants brought contraceptives from their home countries; however, even if they attend a medical institution due to illness, they tended to hide that they were taking medication without a doctor's supervision. This is risky, as they may not receive appropriate medical treatment without a full disclosure of their medical history. It may be necessary to make emergency contraception, oral contraceptives, over-the-counter medicines, and health insurance applicable to prevent migrants from taking such risks.

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Mothers raising children with developmental disorders take part in the discourse of motherhood constructed by society, despite often feeling uncomfortable. This qualitative study examined, through a case study dialogue, key concepts in understanding how to bring new words for escaping the discourse of motherhood. We interviewed a mother of a boy with developmental disorders who tended to blame herself and have no confidence in her child-rearing abilities. In the dialogue, she used some new terms for escaping the discourse of motherhood that we had not heard before. By analyzing the dialogue, we found that she referred to “uncomfortable talk,” “anger talk,” and “escape talk” in sequence, and memories of caring, which were unique to her, stimulated these new terms, which did not apply to the dominant model of motherhood.

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As the "Only Hope" of the family, One-Child daughters born under China's One-Child policy are their parent's main focus receiving ample investments from their parents while in return being expected to acquire a sophisticated level of education and to find a well-paid job. However, having entered the labour market – as it's the case for the majority of China's working women – many are met by gender discrimination and fail to meet their parent's expectations. This study examines the ideal lifestyle and parent-child relationship according to Chinese One-Child daughters and their parents by interviewing One-Child daughters about their employment. The results show that both, One-Child daughters as well as their parents, are self-aware of their daughter's status as a female only-child and show that both want One-Child daughters to return to their home city to get employed "within the system" as civil servants. Furthermore, both see a lifestyle that allows a safe and sound work-life balance as their ideal lifestyle and prefer a close and supportive parent-child relationship. In light of this, a One-Child daughter's employment serves an important role in achieving the ideals of a One-Child daughter and their parents.

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