Preface to the special issue on Humans, Animals and Societies of Andean Civilization

This special report, arising from a collaboration of archaeology and anthropology, consists of the results of a research project aimed at elucidating the process of social complexification that took place during the early stage of the Andean civilization that established itself on the Pacific coast of South America.

Archaeology that focused on the Andean civilization of South America was established as a field of study in the early 20th century. The early days of Andean archaeology focused not only on the establishment of chronology but also on the origin of civilization. In particular, Dr Julio C. Tello, known as the father of Peruvian archaeology, investigated the historic ruins of what is now the Chavín de Huántar site (registered by UNESCO as a World Cultural Heritage) and discovered numerous examples of stone carvings and earthenware. The iconography on these archaeological remains is similar to that on the murals and remains of archaeological sites found throughout Peru, and due to the outstanding architectural scale and complexity of the Chavín de Huántar site, Tello proposed the Chavín-centered theory that stated that this culture, which he broadly named the ‘Chavín culture’, was transmitted from Chavín de Huántar to various other places. The Chavín culture was positioned as the mother culture of the Andean civilization. The era when the Chavín culture flourished, along with the periods before and after it, are together known as the ‘Formative Period’ (c. 3000 BC–50 BC) in today’s Andean archaeology.

Japanese research teams who set foot in the Andes after World War II were also interested in the origin of the civilization. Tello himself speculated that an even more ancient culture had preceded the Chavín culture, and Japanese research teams excavated the Kotosh site in the Central Highlands of Peru to verify the existence of a pre-Chavín culture. As a result, not only did they find evidence of a pre-Chavín culture, but they also discovered, for the first time in history of New World archaeology, public buildings constructed before the development of earthenware. Over the more than 60 years since then, Japanese research teams have conducted archaeological surveys with the aim of understanding society during the Formative Period.

As a result, it gradually became clear that during the Formative Period large-scale public architectures were constructed, and that society was integrated through construction activities and the rituals performed in the sacred spaces after construction. On the other hand, subsequent research has taught us that the scope of society integrated through the activities in such public architectures was not so widespread and that regional differences existed, even if it is true that there has been an increase in interaction between regions. In other words, it is no longer possible to support the interpretation that a unified culture existed as Tello once thought.

Another important issue regarding research on the Formative Period is the increasing complexity of society. In the period following the Formative Period, at least along the northern coast, the first state society (Moche) in the history of the Andean civilization appeared. Since the public architectures of the Formative Period disappeared around the beginning of the Common Era, it cannot be said that the Formative Period’s social system led directly to a state-level society. However, there is no doubt that society gradually became more complex during the millennia of the Formative Period. In this way, research about the Formative Period gradually shifted focus to topics such as when societal complexity became apparent, the factors that contributed to societal complexity, and how societies in each region became more complex.

Among the discussions about the increase of social complexity, one theory presented by a Japanese research team is the ‘temple renovation theory.’ Historical materialism, which emphasizes economic foundations, seeks the main cause of social complexity in controlling surplus products, considers the emergence of public architectures as the last device to support the ideology of those in power, and remains firmly rooted in academia. However, on the basis of accumulated data, the Japanese research team proposed the opposite hypothesis that public architectures would appear first in a relatively egalitarian society as a result of the voluntary collaboration of groups and that the renewal activities would promote social complexity. This was named the ‘temple renovation theory.’

While the ‘temple renovation theory’ is an immensely interesting hypothesis with an important perspective that shows the diversity of practical human behavior, recent research has also shown that some phenomena cannot be grasped by this theory alone. The present-day Japanese research team pays particular attention to the Late Formative Period (800–250 BC) and closely examines the realities of interregional exchange, craft production, animal breeding, food production, and the rituals themselves that developed during this period, and is conducting cross-disciplinary research to demonstrate their relevance to the emergence of social complexity. I would like to present a part of that research below.

Yamamoto, the only archaeologist in this special issue, picks up two large ceremonial centers of the Formative Period in the Northern Highlands, Kuntur Wasi and Pacopampa, where Japanese and Peruvian joint research has been accumulating data for the past 30 years. He points out that these sites underwent socioeconomic changes in local, regional, and interregional interactions. In addition, Yamamoto has shown that the transformations observed at these sites are also compatible at the Ingatambo site in the northern frontier, which he investigated himself, providing an overall picture of the Formative Period in this issue.

Nagaoka summarized a series of studies of the human remains excavated from the Pacopampa site from various angles to reconstruct the living conditions of the people at that time. From his dental analysis, Nagaoka concluded that the caries rate at both sites was higher than that of the average farmer, suggesting that the consumption of cultivated plants was well established in the epoch. Nagaoka also examined the frequency of cribra orbitalia in terms of nutritional disorders. In general, lesions resulting from food processing and iron deficiency anemia were less frequent than in the coastal zone, as theorized from earlier studies. Regarding violence, several cases that are the oldest in Andean archaeology have been analyzed from an anthropological perspective, suggesting that these may have been ritual violence. Furthermore, the concerted efforts of archaeology and physical anthropology have revealed intriguing facts. After the Pacopampa site ceased to function as a ceremonial center, the people of the Cajamarca culture reused this location as a ritual space and dedicated skulls that had been decapitated during the Formative Period. The series of studies by Nagaoka is unique in analyzing human remains excavated from Formative Period sites from multiple perspectives. In particular, the reconstruction of ritual violence is an important data point in the context of the complexity of society.

Uzawa et al. paid attention to artiodactyls, which constitute 80% of the animal bones excavated from the Pacopampa site, and analyzed their age, skeletal frequency, and butchering marks. As a result, they confirmed that deer were primarily used in the Middle Formative Period, and the camelids increased rapidly in the Late Formative Period. As for the use of camelids, the ch’arki hypothesis proposed by an earlier study of the Chavín de Huántar site has been attracting attention. This hypothesis postulates that animals were butchered at high altitudes where camelids were raised and processed into dried meat (ch’arki) and brought to the consumption site. At Pacopampa, even the heads and feet that would have been discarded in the breeding grounds were excavated, a finding that is not compatible with the ch’arki hypothesis. Uzawa et al. also suggested that tender meat would have been preferred for consumption in the ritual feasting held in Pacopampa, for which the fleshy parts of the juvenile animals would have been well suited. On the other hand, tools related to textile production began to be found when camelids were introduced to the site. It is suggested that fiber from mature individuals might have been used. In this regard, it is significant to demonstrate that various activities developed in the ritual space.

According to Seike and Watanabe’s study, animal use at El Palacio is distinctly different from that of the Pacopampa site. The site is located at the bottom of the Cajamarca Basin, slightly south of Pacopampa, and is dated to the Wari period, which is more than 1500 years later than the Formative Perid. Seike and Watanabe compared the location and frequency of cut marks on camelid bones to other archaeological sites and to modern butchering methods of Andean herders. Compared to Pacopampa, where juveniles were dominant, more mature individuals were conspicuous at El Palacio. In addition, the frequency of cut marks is lower than that found at Pacopampa. Based on these findings, they assumed the use of camelids at El Palacio also focused on using secondary products, including labor and fiber collection. Referring to the Wari sites in the Southern Highlands as the standard, many researchers have argued the for emergence of the Wari Empire, which extended its political power throughout the Andes. The presence of widespread interregional exchange is expected during this period. The use of camelids may also reflect the socioeconomic background and the function of the site.

Takigami and her colleagues measured the carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of human and animal bones excavated from the Pacopampa site and examined the changes in diet from the Middle to Late Formative Period. They found that the use of C₄ plants, specifically maize, increased from the Late Formative Period and concluded that this was due not only to direct human consumption of maize but also to human consumption of animals that ingested maize in some form. However, when it comes to the consumption of maize, they concluded that there is no apparent difference between the individuals with cranial deformation from elaborate burials with gold objects and those who had been interred in non-elaborate burials. The results may indicate that rituals using maize, which will become important later, are still in their infancy.

In this way, the complexity of society gradually increased in the Formative Period, and the leaders who emerged incorporated violence into rituals and made diverse use of animals in ritual spaces. It also became clear that the situation varied greatly depending on the period and the context of the site. These points indicate that there is a great deal to be analyzed before falling into simplistic interpretations about the formation of ancient civilizations.