RELATIVIZED AGREE

Abstract

This paper presents a new theory of Agree, and demonstrates how it accounts for various syntactic facts. The subject DP in SPEC-T serves as a probe for T and gets transferred for that purpose. On the other hand, Transfer does not apply to DP if it remains in v(*)P since T is the probe in such a structure. The asymmetry in Agree relations explains why preverbal and postverbal subjects may induce different agreement patterns. The proposed theory also accounts for the presence and absence of subject island effects and defective intervention effects.