SUPERIORITY EFFECTS IN MINIMALISM: A CASE STUDY OF A-MOVEMENT

Abstract

This paper considers the Strong Minimalist Thesis proposed in Minimalist theory with a case study of superiority effects in A-movement. Given this thesis, Merge applies freely in syntax, which suggests that an NP can move over another NP. We argue that in derivations which result in superiority violations, Case features are transferred to the interfaces unvalued, claiming that interface conditions, not minimality, are responsible for the superiority effects. We also discuss two predictions of the proposed analysis, arguing that they are theoretically and empirically endorsed. Through our discussion, we show that syntax is only extrasyntactically constrained, concluding that language is perfectly designed.