1996 Volume 61 Issue 3 Pages 393-422
This paper investigates, from an anthropological perspective, representation of migrants' identity with reference to tombs built by Koreans (particularly first generation) who have migrated and settled in Japan. That is the plurality of identity which also includes ethnicity. The tombs which are dealt with in this paper stand in private cemeteries for Koreans in Japan (namely, an exclusive one for the Kyoangsan Kim family association and a communal one at Korai-ji, a Korean temple). Most families involved in building them could be described as active participants in the Korean community in Japan. Tombs in such cemeteries do not differ in their shape from other Japanese tombs. However, the contents of the inscription on the tombstones are original and very distinct from their Japanese counterparts. The deceased's real name in Korean is inscribed in front of the tombstone, and in the Confucianist manner, kani (government position) and bonkyan (family origin) are also added. Even those which have adopted Japanese style inscriptions such as "so-and-so family (or ancestral) tomb," can be differentiated from Japanese tombs as they bear the first names of first generation individuals beside the surnames. This can be seen as a representation of the first generation individual as the "starting point" for the family in Japan. Also, many other headings are often included in inscriptions such as the genealogy of the original ancestor, paso, or iptocho, personal history with a migration diary, profession, and achievement, or a final message or teaching, poems and writings. Next, the paper focuses on family and individual and evaluates two very interesting cases. One of them is the tomb of the S family at the Korai-ji, which possesses the size and decorations matching royal tombs. Its burial master is the Kyoangsan Kim family, though it was not built in their private cemetery. The deceased's family has been working on various sources to classify the tomb as the "Japan ancestor" for the Kyoangsan Kim family. However, from the results of my research and analysis, this huge tomb has been regarded as the starting ancestor and the symbol of family rise in Japan for the S family only, rather than as the "Japan ancestor" for Kyoangsan Kim family. Another example is Mr. P, who is still alive, and who has built his family tomb at Korai-ji. The tomb holds a specially ordered family album and genealogy of present relatives sealed and placed where their ashes are supposed to be laid, for the forthcoming (though it is not known specifically which generation) descendants who might be searching for their own and their ancestor's roots. The album shows photos of the Korean hometown, ancestral tombs, and group photos of all present relatives in Japan and Korea. Each photo bears explanations written by Mr. P himself. Mr. P, who has built his own tomb specifying each small detail himself, is not a special case among those who have their tombs in this cemetery. From unconstructed interviews, it could be said that this phenomenon is the result of worry among the first generation who could not expect the tomb they require from the second generation, their sons, who have a different sense of values. From all tomb inscriptions in these two private cemeteries and the cases of P and S families, it can be considered that it is compatriots in Japan rather than Japanese society in general, of which the individuals and the families who build the tombs are conscious. In other words, individual tombstones are, in the first instance, media for private self-representation, in individual or family units, to other Koreans in Japan. An individual tombstone is a mechanism by which individuality is expressed to comrades in Japan who have their tombs in the same cemetery, the difference (individuality) and the status within the group are expressed, and these expressed
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