2022 Volume 18 Issue 3 Pages 35-51
Several studies have discussed the “double accusative constraint,” which is the constraint that Standard Japanese does not permit more than one accusative noun phrase formed by the particle =o in a clause. However, few studies have discussed the other variant of the accusative, =Ø (the zero particle), in the dialect of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, which is the geographical base for Standard Japanese. This study empirically clarifies how the accusative =Ø affects the well-formedness of the double accusative constructions. Fifteen double accusative sentences were prepared, and six native speakers were asked to judge the acceptability of four case patterns: [o-o], [o-Ø], [Ø-o], and [Ø-Ø] in the couplet [N1-N2] for each sentence. The results indicated that the constructions are categorized as follows (ACC can be replaced with =o or =Ø):
(a) Types with high acceptability in any of the four patterns, where N1 or N2 is an object of a verb and the other is an adverbial phrase (e.g., Takashi=ga ooame=no naka=ACC inu=ACC sagasu [“Takashi looks for the dog in the heavy rain.”]).
(b) Types with higher acceptability of [o-Ø], [Ø-o], and [Ø-Ø] than [o-o].
(b1) Both N1 and N2 are objects (e.g., Hanako=ga Takashi=ACC atama=ACC tataku [“Hanako hits Takashi's head.”]).
(b2) N1 is an object and N2 is a location (e.g., Hanako=ga Takashi=ACC mon=ACC toosu [“Hanako gets Takashi through a gate.”]).
(b3) Light verb suru construction (e.g., Hanako=ga eego=ACC benkyoo=ACC go-jikan suru [“Hanako studies English for five hours.”]).
(c) Types with low acceptability in any of the four patterns, where N1 and N2 are objects.
In conclusion, (c) indicates the double accusative constraint as a syntactic level, and (b) indicates the double =o constraint as a surface level.
