It cannot be said that “masculinity” has been well taken up for discussion now in Japan. It tends to be overlooked as an intrinsic or desirable attribute of men, although the pressures and dangers associated with “masculinity” do exist as a clear statement or ideology.
Considering “masculinity” as a historical phenomenon, this article attempts to expose its process of construction, its redefinition and the imprinting of “weakness-phobia” in the historical context. In this article, “Rikugun Yonengakko, ” or the military school for boys in their early teens, which had been in existence from 1872 to 1945, is taken as the object of study. The cadets' collections of compositions, diaries, dos and don'ts, handbooks, song books, novels featuring cadets, the graduates' memoirs, references to “Shonen Kurabu” or
Boys' Club, all are used as the source material. Surveying the Sino-Japanese war, the Russo-Japanese war, and the disarmament times symbolized by Ugaki Disarmament or “Taisho Democracy, ” the time of World War II is the main focus.
In the Meiji era, specifically between the Sino-Japanese war and the Russo-Japanese war, due to feelings of revenge or aggressive attitudes towards Western great powers' interference in the Sino-Japanese war, military spirit was commonly accepted among people. Although both the war and the military existed away from civilians, the soldiers and “Rikugun Yonengakko” were very popular among boys and “aggressive masculinity” was admired. But under the trend of disarmament, even the cadets showed some gentle “masculinity.” Then, in accordance with the invasion of other countries in Asia, “Japanese Masculinity” was redefined and emphasized. The reference materials showed the construction of “masculinity” through the norms of “masculine” language, movement, behavior, physical appearance and spirit - the incomparable strength of “Japanese men.” These definitions draw a clear boundary between Japanese hegemonic masculinity and other, non Japanese examples such as Korean and Chinese, in addition to girls or women and weak Japanese men, all of which were considered “ feminine” and “weak.” This boundary served as an implicit threat to those who did not exhibit masculinity, especially under the harsh conditions about two years before the end of World War II. Symbolically “Rikugun Yonengakko” reflected the process of “weakness-phobia” imprinting and the cadets' acceptance and agony. “Weakness-phobia” was not only imprinted and emphasized during the war but has survived to this day as a main factor of hegemonic “masculinity.”
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