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Yasuo MATSUNAMI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
513-522,1234
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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A Sanskrit edition of the
Vimalakirtinirdesa was published in March 2006. This paper reports a result of the comparison of the Sanskrit edition with the Tibetan translation, which has the closest relationship with the Sanskrit edition. After picking out examples of the different readings between the Sanskrit edition and the Tibetan translation, I tried to find examples which agree with the reading of Zhiqian_??__??_, which is the oldest translation of the
Vimalakirtinirdesa. Among the 13 examples, the Tibetan translation has only four examples which agree with the reading of Zhiqian. Therefore we could say that the Sanskrit edition preserves more examples of earlier readings of the
Vimalakirtinirdesa than does the Tibetan translation.
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Shin'ya ABE
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
523-527,1235
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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This paper contributes to considerations on the four-dhyanas of the
Sarvastivada. Data center on the
Abhidharmakosa,
Abhidharma-mahavibhasa, and
Abhidharma-nyayausara. In the
Sarvastivada, the four-
dhyanas are applied to the
rupa-dhatu. In this combination,
dhyana is divided into two sorts,
upapattidhyana and
samapattidhyana, cause and effect. Originally these two seem to have been separate. Now, the essence of
dhyana is
samadhi, and
samadhi is
cittaikagrata. Apparently using several terms help clarify the idea. In order to understand
dhyana from a different viewpoint 18 subdivisions are introduced in the 4
dhyanas. These, it is said, may be subsumed under eleven. Two levels each are introduced into each
dhyana. Overall, it is a very complicated system. But the meaning of
dhyana is abundantly clear.
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Shinji KAGAWA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
528-533,1235
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In earlier Mahayana texts, two types of
bodhisattvas are described: firstly, the lay
bodhisattva (_??__??__??__??_) and, secondly, the monastic
bodhisattva (_??__??__??__??_). Modern scholarship, however, has not paid as much attention to the latter as to the former. In this article, we will attempt to show what kind of person the monastic bodhisattva was seen to be. This will be done through a comparison with monks (
bhiksu) in Buddhist schools using two Mahayana texts that detail the monastic bodhisattva. In the
Jingxing ping (_??__??__??_) of the
Huayan jing (_??__??__??_), the manner of ordination (
upasampada) for monastic bodhisattvas is the same as that for monks in Buddhist schools; moral conduct (
sila) too is considered in the same way for both. Thus, it becomes clear that the monastic bodhisattva is differentiated from the layperson. However, in the
Ugrapariprccha (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), it is notable that the
sila for the monastic bodhisattva includes the fourfold attitudes (_??__??__??_:
caturaryavamsa) and the virtues of the purified person (_??__??__??_:
dhutaguna), both of which are stricter requirements than the usual Sila required by monks. It will be argued, therefore, that the
Ugrapariprccha and
Jingxing ping of the
Huayan jing attempt to define the monastic bodhisattva as a sterner, more disciplined monk.
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Shoshun HAYASHIDERA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
534-539,1236
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In this paper, first of all, I clarify differences between a hitherto unknown version of the
Wuwang jing found among old Buddhist manuscripts in Japan and the printed version. There are three differences; 1) the sequence of eight kinds of suffering (
duhkha), 2) terminology used, and 3) brevity or details of sentences in the same paragraphs.
Secondly, I examine which versions of the
Wuwang-jing were quoted in Buddhist writings in both China and Japan, and found that there were seven occurrences of quotations of the printed version and only one of the manuscript version.
Thirdly, in spite of the above-mentioned differences, a close relationship is presupposed because of the high portion of identical sentences. As far as this is concerned, there are two possibilities. One is to assume that the manuscript version was composed by deleting some sentences from the printed version. Another is quite the opposite, i. e., the printed version was composed by adding some sentences to the manuscript version. Internal textual evidence suggests that the second possibility is more likely. In order to arrive at a definitive conclusion, however, a further and closer examination shall be needed.
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Susumu AOKI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
540-543,1236
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The old manuscript of the
Zhenyuan lu _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ preserved in the Nanatsu-dera collection, which represents a recension based on the text transmitted to Japan immediately after its compilation, records three verions of the
Muhuan jing _??__??__??__??__??_. On the other hand, the Taisho recession of the
Zhenyuan lu registers only two versions of the
Muhuan jing. Furthermore, volume 17 of the Taisho Canon contains only one text entitled
Muhuan jing.
It would appear that Amoghavajra's translation was considered a similar rendering of the same text, which was not essentially different from the recension attributed to the unknown translator and therefore not used as the basic text of the printed versions.
The Taisho edition of the text, the
Fo shuo muhuan jing _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, which also adopts the recension attributed to an unknown translator, relies on the text of the Korean Canon, and its footnotes collate it with the variant readings found in the printed versions as well as in Amoghavajra's translation of the
Sanjujo sasshi _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_. One is, however, struck by the fact that for a short text consisting of only 33 lines in the Taisho Canon, we have no less than 39 footnotes and 13 variae lectiones different from the
Sanjujo sasshi version. It would thus seem unreasonable to regard the rendering attributed to the unknown translator and Amoghavajra's translation as being similar or identical renderings of the same text.
In this paper, I examine the three versions of the
Muhuan jing recorded in the old
Zhenyuan lu on the basis of the three Nanatsu-dera manuscripts of the text, copied in the Heian Period.
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Min LIN
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
544-547,1237
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The text, whose complete title is
Da fo ding rulai fangguang xidanduo bandanluo dashenli dushe yiqie zhouwang tuoluoni jing da weide zuisheng jinlun sanmei zhou pin diyi _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, is inciuded in volume 19 of the Taisho Can-on (No. 947). This version is based on a manuscript which was copied in year 3 of the Enkyu Era _??__??_ (1071 C. E.) and belongs to the Sanmitsu Collection _??__??__??_ of To-ji _??__??_.
The traditional catalogues of Buddhist scriptures contain no reference to the
Dafo ding bie xingfa. We find, however, a total of 14 manuscripts of the text in the Dunhuang collecions. They are complete or partial texts which represent a separate recension different from the Taisho text.
The recent survey of Nara and Heian Buddhist manuscripts in Japan undertaken by Prof. Toshinori Ochiai led to the discovery of another manuscript of the
Dafo ding bie xingfa in 2005. The manuscript belongs to Ama-no-san Kongo-ji _??__??__??__??__??__??_ in Osaka Prefecture and appears to date back to the late Heian Period (1086-1192). It seems to represent a separate version distinct from the Taisho and Dunhuang recensions. The extant manuscripts of the
Dafo ding bie xingfa attest thus to the wide-spread circulation of this scripture in Tang China and Heian Japan. It is very likely that the
Dafo ding bie xingfa may have been compiled or translated between 718 and 735.
The stemmata which emerge from the philological analysis of the text are:
(1) The Kongo-ji lineage
(2) The To-ji lineage
(3) The Dunhuang lineage
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Isshin TEJIMA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
548-551,1238
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Kongwang-fo is the one of the Past-Buddhas mentioned in a few sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra. We find faith in Kongwang-fo in the Mianshan area of Shanxi Province even today. On the other hand we can rarely see reverence of this Buddha in the other areas. Although there is a brief reference in the book of travels by the Japanese monk En-nin when he was on a tour of China in 9th century, not much research work has been carried out to date. This paper refers on the condition of the existence and development of the faith, and reports on the results of my investigation on the ground in Mian-shan.
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Ji-dong CHEN
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
552-558,1238
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In order to elucidate the details of the formation of the
Chanmen Risong, a text of Chinese Buddhist lessons and rituals practiced every day at temple of the Qing Dynasty, we must first clarify the historical context of the
Zhujing Risong Jiyao, the archetype of the
Chanmen Risong, edited by Yunqi Zhuhong. This paper analyzes several editions of the
Zhujing Risong, in particular its relationship with the
Zenlin Kaju and the
Obaku Shingi, whose rituals were practiced in Edo period Japan, and led to historical changes.
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Tomoaki KITSUKAWA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
559-563,1239
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The classification of the teachings into three periods by the Faxiang school has its textual basis in the
Samdhinirmocanasutra, and the most important commentary of that sutra is the
jie shenmi jing shu by Wonch'uk who is regarded as not having been officially authorized by the mainstream of the Faxiang school. Regarding Wonch'uk's views on doctrinal classification (Ch.
panjiao), it has been generally agreed that he did not adhere to the standard position of the Yogacara, instead merging the second period teaching (the doctrine of
sunyata), and the third period teaching. However, a closer look at his commentary leads to the conclusion that he describes the second period teaching as containing the substance of the
paratantrasvabhava and the parinispannasvabhava as the Yogacara doctrine, and he is conscious of following Dharmapala's and Xuanzang's thought.
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Yoshihiko TAKAOKA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
564-567,1239
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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This paper is concerned with speculation into the nature of Enlightenment and the structure of Mind from earliest Buddhism up until the Chinese ‘Consciousness-Only’ (_??__??__??__??_) shool of the seventh centur. During this period, the notion of ‘
prakrti-visuddham cittam’ is considered the predominant condition for the realization of enlightenment; yet, at the same time, it is also criticized by some Buddhist schools. With the rise of the Mahayana in India,
prakrti-visuddham cittam is taken as tantamount to
sunyata (‘emptiness’) or
tathata (‘suchness’), which act as the key to the realization of enlightenment. According to the Consciousness-Only School(_??__??__??__??_), on the other hand, enlightenment is seen as realised by means of both impressions from learning (_??__??__??_) and undefiled seeds as the natural outflowing of the
dharmadhatu (_??__??_). This. paper will examine whether or not the ‘Consciousness-Only’ doctrine of Mind and Enlightenment remain consistant with Buddhism's foundational conception of impermanence.
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Taichiro YOSHIKAWA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
568-571,1240
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Fawu's
Shi moheyan lun zanxuan shu (
Zanxuan shu) is a commentary on the
Shi moheyan lun and, with Zhifu's
Shi moheyan lun tongxuan chao, occupies an important position as a work showing the high level of Liao Buddhism. But, in spite of its importance, there are extremely few studies about the
Zanxuan shu.
This paper aims to clarify the concrete content of the
Zanxuan shu and examines vol. 1, 2 concerning the influence of Huayan thought. This study is a starting point toward a general elucidation of Liao Buddhism.
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Wen-liang ZHANG
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
572-578,1240
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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According to his biography, Chengguan (_??__??_) studied Nanshan (_??__??_)
Vinaya mostly under Tanyi (_??__??_). According to Tanyi's biography, however, the
Vinaya school ideas inherited by him are not confined to Nanshan
Vinaya alone; they are related to that of the Xiangbu (_??__??_) and Dongtai (_??__??_)
Vinayas as well. Thus, the lineage of such inheritance suggests that Chengguan's
Vinaya thought must have received their influence at the same time from all three branches of Chinese
Vinaya School, namely Xiangbu, Dongtai and Nanshan. Moreover, as Chengguan studied the
Avatamsaka sutra under Faxian (_??__??_) during that period of time, he must have also received influence from the
Brahmajala-sutra. While denying the two theories which explain the essence of
sila in terms of a
rupa-dharma and in terms of neither
citta nor
rupa respectively, Chengguan held the theory of
prakrti-sila (i. e.
sila in terms of nature or
prakrti). This theory is further divided into two kinds, namely “purity of arising” and “purity of essence”. They refer to obtaining the nature of Suchness (
bhuta-tathata),
sila-carya, and
bodhi phala. As far as the Hinayana and Mahayana
Vinayas are concerned, Chengguan did not deny the Hinayana
Vinaya, but he explained it according to Mahayana perspectives. For instance, he thought that although the two
yanas can also observe
sila, they may become attached to the characteristics/forms of
sila, as they have not realized the emptiness of
sila. Mahayana bodhisattva-s are on the other hand considered to be those who observe
sila completely/truly, as they have realized the emptiness of
sila and they are not attached to the characteristics/forms of
sila. As far as classification of the Teaching and
sila are concerned, receiving ordination and observing
sila which refer to the
anulaksana of
sila (_??__??__??__??_) pertain to both Mahayana and Hinayana. Realization of the emptiness of characteristics/forms of
sila which refers to the
vilaksana of
sila (_??__??__??__??_) pertains to Mahayana only. The
sila with form (
anulaksana) and without form (
vilaksana) are not two different things; the nonduality of the two
sila is called
sila of the real teaching; while the activity of
sila being endowed with all Buddha-dharmas is called
brahma-carya of the perfect Huayan teachings.
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Daigo TSURUTA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
579-582,1241
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In the
Meaning of the Course of Ease and Bliss of the Lotus Sutra (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_), Huisi teaches sudden enlightenment (_??__??_) such that the Bodhisattva, with a single resolution (_??__??_) and a single course of practice (_??__??_) may attain the many diverse fruits of Buddhahood, by which is meant the infinite diversity of the Buddha's skilful teachings given for the benefit of sentient beings. Huisi's basis for this is the
Sutra of Immeasurable Meanings (_??__??__??__??_), in which it is explained that the infinite diversity of teachings are produced from the Single Dharma (_??__??_) i. e., the Ultimate Reality (_??__??_). This is the meaning of sudden enlightenment. Both ‘a single course of practice’ (_??__??_) and the ‘Single Dharma’ (_??__??_) are tantamount to the ‘Single Vehicle’ (_??__??_). Therefore, both Huisi and the
Sutra agree that the infinite diversity of teachings are produced from the ‘Single Vehicle’ (_??__??_) Huisi advises Bodhisattvas who have only just aroused the resolve to realise Buddhahood (_??__??__??__??_) to practise according to the principle of sudden enlightenment. The
Sutra of Immeasurable Meanings seems to enable them to do so, for it teaches that upon relieving the suffering of various and diverse sentient beings, Bodhisattvas may attain a power equivalent to that of Great Bodhisattvas (_??__??__??_). Thus, the practice of sudden enlightenment, by which the suffering of all sentient beings is relieved, becomes possible.
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Takashi HAYAKAWA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
583-586,1242
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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This paper is concerned with Fayun's (467-529) interpretation of the title ‘
Lotus Sutra’ and the
upayakausalya chapter in his
Fahua yiji with an examination of his conception of the
bodhisattvayana and
ekabuddhayana. By comparing this with Zhu Daosheng's (355?-434) interpretation of the
Lotus Sutra, the significance of Fayun's interpretation of the
Lotus Sutra will be clarified within the wider historical context of Chinese Buddhism. In his
Fahua yiji, Fayun compares the
ekabuddhayana as described in the
Lotus Sutra with the
bodhisattvayana as one of the three
yanas and affirms the superiority of the
ekayana from the viewpoint of causality. Daosheng, on the other hand, adopts as the ultimate aim the standpoint of emptiness-cum-non-grasping without adherence to the
ekayana, despite acknowledging the importance of the
ekayana doctrine in the the
Lotus Sutra. Due to the greater concentration upon Prajñaparamita Sutra material, the notion of emptiness was more of a focal point during Daosheng's time, whereas the relation between the
ekayana and the three
yanas remained only a secondary concern. On the other hand, it will be argued that it was not until the time of Fayun that the relation between the
ekayana, as recounted in the
Lotus Sutra, and the
bodhisattvayana as one of the three
yanas first becomes a key issue.
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Eiki IWAKI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
587-591,1242
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In this paper, I studied the concept of
sandi (_??__??_) in the commentaries of Zhiyuan (_??__??_) of the Shanwai (_??__??_) sect and Chuandeng (_??__??_), and Zhixu (_??__??_) of the Ming dynasty. I discovered that they regarded
sandi as
zhendi (_??__??_),
sudi (_??__??_), and
zhongdi (_??__??_) (roughly: ultimate truth, conventional truth, and medial truth). And I discovered that Zhiyi (_??__??_) regarded
sandi as
zhendi,
sudi, and
zhongdi too, and he didn't regard
sandi as
kongdi (_??__??_),
jiadi (_??__??_), or
zhongdi. So I thought that these commentaries faithfully succeeded to Zhiyi's
sandi concept.
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Zhe-yi PAN
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
592-596,1243
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In Tiantai doctrine, because the Wondrous Dharma is “inexpressible” it tends to comprehend the Wondrous Dharma as beyond the explanation of words. Following this line of thinking, discussing the Wondrous Dharma can be divided into the Dharma expressible in words and the Dharma beyond words.
Analyzing Tiantai Zhiyi's _??__??__??__??_ use of the “expressible, ” it becomes clear that there exist two “expressibles.” One is the Preaching as the deniable view point of ordinary people. Another is the Preaching which is “expressible in words” at the same time as being “inexpressible in words.” The latter is comprehended by the former, and it is this comprehension that leads to the fault stated above.
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Kanji TAMURA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
597-603,1243
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The
Da ban niepan jing _??__??__??__??__??_ is based upon a two-cause theory of buddha-nature-
zhengyin _??__??_ and
yuanyin _??__??_ (=
liaoyin _??__??_), as acknowledged by most scholars during Tiantai Zhiyi's _??__??__??__??_ time. Whereas, Zhiyi advances the amalgamation of three aspects-
zhengyin foxing _??__??__??__??_ (buddha-nature of a primary cause),
liaoyin foxing _??__??__??__??_ (buddha-nature of a cause to complete one's sense), and
yuanyin foxing _??__??__??__??_ (buddha-nature of a subsidiary cause)-collectively referred to as
sanyin foxing _??__??__??__??_ (theory of buddha-nature in three causes). Zhiyi confers central importance to the unified theory of
li _??_ (the law of nature),
zhi _??_ (wisdom), and _??_
xing (training), upon which other themes such as the theory of Buddha's body, enlightenment, nature, and ascetic practices can be discussed. His buddha-dhatu theory is thoroughly covered in the
Fahua xuanyi _??__??__??__??_, and is further organized, enriched, and consummated in the
Weimo jing wenshu _??__??__??__??__??_. However, We must note that Zhiyi probably had no access to any annotated commentaries explaining the
Niepan sutra, thus precluding any motivation to necessitate a detailed comparison with the
Niehnan sutra.
Zhiyi's disciple, Guanding _??__??_, would write the commentaries,
Xuanyi _??__??_ and
Wenju _??__??_, on the
Niepan sutra after Zhiyi's death. Guanding's
Neihpan xuanyi _??__??__??__??__??_, however, does not make reference to Zhiyi's three-cause buddha-nature theory. And, although much attention is laid within the introductory chapters of Guangding's
Niepanshu _??__??__??__??_ upon the three-cause theory of buddha-nature in his discussion of the three virtues in embracing one's ruler, master, and parent from the standpoint of Zhiyi's three central themes, this marks the limit of its mention. Thereafter, Guanding only advocates a two-cause theory of buddha-nature. Guanding stood on the fringe between both the text of the
Niepan sutra and of Zhiyi's three-cause buddha-nature theory and did not attempt to dissolve discrepancies. This may have posed a problem for Guanding, as it is also visible in his approach of seemingly continuing Zhiyi's conception of
sanshen _??__??_ (three-bodies of the Buddha)in accounting for the commentaries on the Eternity chapter of the Lotus Sutra _??__??__??_, while in actuality, rendering a two-body conception of Buddha.
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Ryoyu MIYABE
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
604-607,1244
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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This paper explores how the Tiantai Zhiyi _??__??__??__??_ understands “The Truth of the Middle way _??__??__??__??_” using the
Weimojing Wenshu (
Commentary on the Passages of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_). In this work, Zhiyi explores the idea of
tongxiang sanguan _??__??__??__??_.
Tiantai Zhiyi, in his
Weimojing Wenshu, understood insistence on nirvana while one turns from samsara to nirvana as “illness”, and understood emptiness as that “illness” as well.
Tongxiang sanguan _??__??__??__??_ explains the Truth of the Middle Way from the standpoint of emptiness. This research demonstrates the need for further inquiry into Zhiyi's “Three Truths” thought.
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Hideyuki MATSUMORI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
608-613,1245
Published: March 20, 2007
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Scholars point out that Jizang's
Fahua xuanlun (Treatise on the Profundity of the Lotus Sutra) was referred to when Guanding compiled Zhiyi's lectures on the Lotus Sutra as a book. This paper takes up the parts of the
Fahua xuanyi in which the
Fahua xuanlun was referred to, considers the relation among Jizang's theory, Guanding's theory and Zhanran's annotation, and clarifies an aspect of Zhanran's understanding of Jizang's theory and Guanding's theory.
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Yu-mei HUANG
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
614-617,1245
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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As is known to every Buddhist scholar, Guanding quoted the same passage, “_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_” in his
Jizhe silu, an appendix to Chapter 10 of
Fahua xuanyi as Jizang did in Chapter 3 of his
Fahuaxuan lun as: “_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ (_??__??_) _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_”.
In his
Jizhe silu, Guanding wrote _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_. He criticizes and rebuts Jizang for solely using the
Da Zhidu lun to comment on the Perfection of Wisdom as the commentary mainly states the two dogmas of “First Essence” and “Expedient Wisdom and True Wisdom _??__??__??__??_”. Guanding pointed out that Jizang had only partially made the three passages interrelated, although they are not exactly, the same. Hence, Guanding quoted the following passage: “_??__??__??_. _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_. _??__??__??__??__??__??_.” He then successfully made the three passages quoted by Jizang closely relevant and interrelated to one another.
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Ryosen OKUBO
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
618-622,1246
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Zhanran is well known for his emphasison on the idea that “non-sentient existence has buddha-dhatu”. In this paper, I study this idea.
Based on previous appsoaches of scholars, there appear to be two basic methods possible, either to look for the roots of Zhanran's idea in Chinese thought, or in Buddhist thought. I follow the second course, because I believe the formation of Zhanran's thinking lies within Tiantai doctrine. Specifically, it is necessarily drawn directly from the Tiantai doctrine of “Zhiguan fuxing.” Moreover, the idea that “non-sentient existence has buddhadhatu” emphasized in the
Jingang bei can be also regarded its development.
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Ya-ting LIU
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
623-626,1246
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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This paper takes up the relation and negotiation between Zhanran's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought and Fazang's
Qixinlun yiji.
The Tientai School was built on “The true form of all things as they are, ” but it began to approach Huayen tathagatagarbha thought from the middle of the Tang dynasty. I tried to prove that the Tientai School's central theory was based on “The union of two phenomena, ” rather than tathagatagarbha thought by comparing the Zhanran's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought with Fazang's tathagatagarbha thought in his
Qixinlun yiji. The most important part in Zhanran's thought is that it always follows the principle that “Worldly desires are not different from Bodhi, life-and-death or transmigration is also not different from nirvana.” Zhanran's thought is different from Fazang's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought that has a dynamic meaning for the arising of all phenomena accordingly.
My conclusion is that Zhanran's “tathagatagarbha-move along” thought is not really “move along” because it didn't act according to the reality of dependent origination.
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Jung-nam KIM
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
627-630,1247
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationships between Non-arising Samadhi and Non-arising Repentance, which was discussed in Wonhyo's (617-686)
Taesung Yukchong chámhoe (_??__??__??__??__??__??_ The Mahayana Six senseorgans Repentance) and
Kumgang Sammaegyong-ron (_??__??__??__??__??__??_ The Annotation of The Diamond Samadhi Sutra), as well as to try to compare The Meditation in Precepts and Immediate manner (_??__??__??__??_) in the Samadhi of the Lotus Sutra, which is pointed out in the
Mohe Zhiguan (_??__??__??__??_) by Zhiyi (_??__??_), with the Contemplation of Non-arising Repentance.
Wonhyo's Samadhi taught in his
Taesung Yukchong chámhoe just means Dream Samadhi (_??__??__??__??_). In his
Kumgang Sammaegyong-ron, ‘the Diamond’, in its title is the expression of attaining the Samadhi stage. This kind of Mahayana thought, which was taught in the
Taesung Yukchong chámhoe as the Dream Samadhi, is similar in meaning to attaining the Non-arising stage. This is justly expressed as in the one mind and one reality-principle (_??__??__??__??_). In another instance, on repentance in his
Taesung Yukchong chámhoe mainly derived from Zhiyi having attaining the Samadhi of the Lotus Sutra. In another words, two stages, repentance both of based on noumenal principle and on mode of existence, are included in the Non-arising repentance. So we can say that Wonhyo's thought on Non-arising Samadhi and Non-arising repentance belong to the same system with the practice concept on the Meditation in Precepts and Immediate manner and the Contemplation of Non-arising Repentance. It is also said that it based on the middle way that is the reality of all thing and the repentance in the one vehicle.
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Eko MATSUO
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
631-634,1247
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Jiacai demonstrated that the transformed lands exist in Amida's Pure Land in order that ordinary people may be able to attain birth there. Concerning this, three points may be made:
1. In those days, Buddhists paid attention to the Buddhist path and salvation for ordinary people.
2. Those who believe in Maitreya encouraged people to attain birth in Maitreya's Pure Land.
3. There were some disputes between those who believed in Maitreya and those who believed in Amida Buddha over the attainment of birth by ordinary people.
It can be said that the disputes with those who belonged to the Faxiang school over the attainment of birth by ordinary people had great influence on Jiacai's view on the Buddha-bodies and lands.
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Fumihiko TAGAWA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
635-639,1248
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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‘Bokuyo-ko (_??__??__??_)’ is one of the religious meetings held by Kofuku-ji Temple. So far, researches have not paid enough attention to each individual meeting. For, historical materials are not easily available. I investigated the materials to clarify how ‘Bokuyo-ko’ were held. Detailed reading of the materials threw light on many aspects of the meetings. I have found that ‘Bokuyo-ko’ constitutes an important educational process for young priests. In addition, I have introduced the
Bokuyo-ko-hyobyaku (_??__??__??__??__??_) used in ‘Bokuyo-ko’.
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Yuka OTANI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
640-644,1248
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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It has been suggested that (i) Daoxuan (_??__??_), (ii) Yuanzhao (_??__??_) and (iii) the Huayan school (_??__??_) may have influenced the formulation of Gyonen's (_??__??_) conception of the Precepts.
(i) Insofar as the Three Undefiled Precepts are seen to bring about the Three Buddha Bodies, Gyonen's understanding of the Precepts is in accord with that of Dao-xuan; however, Gyonen does not limit his account to a mere decription of Daoxuan's position.
(ii) Gyonen shares in common with Yuanzhao the view that the causal relationship between the Three Precepts and the Three Buddha Bodies may be extrapolated to other triadic Buddhist formulae. However, it can be seen that Gyonen does not adopt the same triadic formulae which Yuanzhao uses, choosing instead to follow Fazang's (_??__??_) commentary on the
Awakening of Faith (_??__??__??_).
(iii) However, apart from the commentary on the
Awakening of Faith, Gyonen does not draw upon the Huayan school elsewhere to explain the Three Precepts, thus making it impossible to definitively assert the overall influence of Huayan thought upon Gyonen's conception of the Precepts.
All of this would suggest that these none of these three possible candidates can be properly determined as precedents for Gyonen's formulation. Rather, Gyonen would seem to draw predominantly upon the
Tathagatagarbha doctrine in the formulation of his conception of the Precepts; Fazang's commentary on the
Awakening of Faith is utilised as a means of providing him with the authority to do so.
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Chon-hak KIM
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
645-651,1249
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The Kegon _??__??_ school based at the temple Yakushiji _??__??__??_ had from the time of Choro _??__??_ clearly evolved through a strained relationship in terms of philosophical thinking with the Kegon school based at Todaiji _??__??__??_, and this continued during the time of Choro's disciple Gisho _??__??_. The
Gokyosho chukan shuji gi shiki _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, a manuscript preserved at Todaiji, contains passages from Gisho's no-longer-extant
Shuji gi shiki _??__??__??__??__??_ in which a monastery superior (
jogo _??__??_) thought to correspond to Choro is quoted fourteen times. In this paper, I examine the meaning of “dependent on conditions” with regard to “coexistence” in the six kinds of causes. As a result, it has become clear that, according to Choro, result and condition are deemed to be identical, and this interpretation differs from the position of the Kegon school at Todaiji, which interpreted “dependent on conditions” in terms of the three kinds of conditions. Lastly, I suggest that this view of Choro's may have derived from the thought of Uisang _??__??_ of Silla _??__??_.
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Miwako KUDO
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
652-656,1250
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The role of emperors in the ninth century as described in six Japanese history was to remove disaster and maintain a peaceful nation by conducting a Confucian government and leading a Buddhist state. One approach is that of Michizane who in his
Ganmon advocates that while ruling an emperor cannot rightly benefit others, but that after abdication, renouncing the world such benefit is possible. Further, it was thought that after death one would continue one's bodhisattva practice. One did not wish for the death of an emperor, but memorial services aided him in his postmortem bodhisattva practice.
At the beginning of the tenth century, according to the
Ganmon, the Emperor came to be compared to Shakyamuni, and a reincarnation of eminent Chinese monks. In the period of cloister government, he comes to be seen as an incarnation of Dainichi Nyorai. We can discover the germ of this Buddhisization in the ninth century poetry of Michizane.
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Tetsujo MIYAKE
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
657-661,1250
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Recently, a unique example of the first
juan of the 16 juan
Foming jing with attached explanation and ritual directions was discovered in the Kongoji in Kawachi-Nagao City. Since it refers to the
Jingang boruo jing zanshu _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_and the
Jingang boruo yiji _??__??__??__??__??__??_, it seems that it was written by the person well versed in the
Jingang boruo jing (
Vajracchedika Prajñaparamita sutra) _??__??__??__??__??_. Moreover, there are several portions which mention the number of the scrolls of this sutra and the total of the names of buddhas in it. Such descriptions are seldom seen in Chinese commentaries. There is a strong possibility that the method of the ceremony was written in Japan, because there are similarities to later documents about the ceremony of the Buddha names in Japan.
On the whole it seems to be the middle of composing the program of the ceremony for the Buddha names, so I think both the explanation portion and the method portion were written by the same person. Therefore the author seems to have been one familiar with the
Jingang boruo jing who added the explanation and the method of the ceremony sometime between the 9
th century and Kamakura-period (12
th-14
th century) in Japan.
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Sei NORO
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
662-666,1251
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Junshobo-Koshin (_??__??__??__??__??_), a disciple of Myoe _??__??_, wrote the
Rokudaimuge gisho (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) in 1247. Of the works of the disciples of Myoe, this book is the only document which offers an interpretation of the
Sokusin jobutsu-gi (_??__??__??__??__??_). Three versions of Junshobo-Koshin's
Rokudaimuge gisho survive in manuscript form: the version contained in the Kozan-ji collection, that contained in the Shinpuku-ji collection, and the version held by Kyoto University Library. Five years after he composed his
Rokudaimuge gisho, Raiyu completed his
Sokushin jobutsu-gi Kentokusho (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_). Due to the fact that he quotes extensively from the
Sokushin jobutsu gisyo (_??__??__??__??__??__??_) of Kakuban (_??__??_), it has been assumed that the latter provided Raiyu with his major source. The
Sokushin jobutsu-gi Kentokusho, however, is a highly complex work which builds on Raiyu's own thought and the works of others. Thus, it is incorrect to suppose that the entirety of the work is derived from Raiyu's own thought. On the basis of a comparison between the
Rokudaimuge gisho and the
Sokushinjobutsu-gi Kentokusho, it will be argued in this paper that Raiyu's earlier interpretation of the
Sokushin jobutsu-gi was instead shaped by the esoteric Buddhism he studied at Kozan-ji temple.
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Yoshihiro OTANI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
667-670,1251
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The theory of the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’ (_??__??__??_) refers to the three kinds of
buddhakaya: ‘
xixing-lun-shen’ (_??__??__??__??_) denotes the tathagata; ‘
zhengfa-lun-shen’ (_??__??__??__??_) denotes the
bodhisattva; and ‘
jiaoling-lun-shen’ (_??__??__??__??_) denotes the
vidyaraja. Of these,
zhengfa-lun-shen and
jiaoling-lun-shen are described in the
Prajñaparamitanayasatapañcasatika (_??__??__??__??__??_) and the
Renwang-niansong-yigui (_??__??__??__??__??__??_), both of which were translated by Amoghavajra (_??__??_);
xizing-lun-shen can be found in the
She-wuai jing (_??__??__??__??_). Although the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’ theory was developed in Japan, it is thought to have not yet been properly formulated until the time of Kakuban (_??__??_). However, Annen (_??__??_), who established Tendai esoteric Buddhism (_??__??_) in Japan, uses the term ‘Twofold Circle-Body, ’ (_??__??__??__??_) in connection with the
tathagata, as well as referring to the ‘Threefold Circle, ’ in his major work, the
Bodaishingi sho (_??__??__??__??__??_). Until now, it has been supposed that the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’ had not yet been developed by the time of Annen, as it has been assumed that the ‘Three-Circle’ model described by Annen is unrelated to the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’. In this paper, however, it will be argued that Annen's model is indeed greatly related to the formation of the theory of the ‘Threefold Circle-Body’. To this end, we shall take into consideration the relation between the
tathagata,
bodhisattva and
vidyaraja in Annen's theory of
buddhakaya, as well as its influence upon later thinkers.
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Yuji UOKAWA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
671-674,1252
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Kogyo Daishi Kakuban's (1095-1143)
Gorin kuji myo himitsushaku is often interpreted as the work in which he try to synthesize Shingon esoteric Buddhism and Pure land Buddhism. But how did he do it? In this paper, through analyzing the relation between chapter about the
gorin (_??__??_) and chapter about the
kuji (_??__??_) in the
Gorin kuji myo himitsushaku, I consider how Kakuban assimilated Pure land Buddhism into Shingon esoteric Buddhism.
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Tadashi CHIBA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
675-678,1253
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In his
Shinjin Hongen Sho (_??__??__??__??__??_), the 14
th Century Shingon Esoteric Buddhism Monk Raiho (_??__??_) debated whether or not the body or the mind is the basis of enlightenment.
Therefore, my aim here is to examine in what way the
Shinjin Hongen Sho portrayed the Zen School. To date, Raiho's views on the Zen sect have not been explored.
In this work, Raihho decided that the doctrine of ‘the body as the basis of enlightenment’ is the basic doctrine of the Shingon (_??__??_) sect.
Raiho classified the other five schools (the Hosso _??__??_, Sanron _??__??_, Tendai _??__??_, Kegon _??__??_, and Jodo _??__??_) as schools which establish the mind as the basis of enlightenment.
Further, Raiho's line of thought as a Shingon monk is unique in that he considered not only the Zen School but also the Jodo School.
My conclusion is that the
Shinjin Hongen Sho judges the Zen sect as having established the mind as the basis for enlightenment.
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Kazuhiro MIURA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
679-682,1253
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In his
Tendai Shingon Nishu Doi sho, Hocchi-bo Shoshin (_??__??__??__??__??_) uses the term hongaku (‘Original Enlightenment’) in two different senses: firstly, within the context of ‘
honrai-jikaku-butsu’ (_??__??__??__??__??_) to denote the
dharmakaya (‘Dharma-body’); and, secondly, within the context of ‘
hongaku-bussho’ (_??__??__??__??_) to denote
buddhata (‘Buddha-nature’). However, Shoshin accepts
honrai-jikaku-butsu not from the standpoint of Actuality (_??_,
ji) but rather merely from the standpoint of Principle (_??_,
ri), and he argues for the identity of the Tendai teaching of Perfection with Shingon esotericism (_??__??__??__??_,
enmitsu-icchi). He does so by taking the
Lotus Sutra's conception of the Buddha as
dharmakaya to be the true intention of the Teaching of Perfection as well as the true meaning of the Tendai teaching. Yet, at the same time, Shoshin appears to contradict himself by denying
honrai-jikaku-butsu. For in his
Hokke-Gengi-Shiki, he instead takes the Buddha as described in the
Lotus Sutra to be merely
sambhogakaya. This would suggest that when it is necessary to identify the Tendai teachings with Shingon, Shoshin accepts
hongaku from the standpoint of Principle, in an actual positive rather than merely potential sense, despite this contradiction between his two works. This paper argues that it is for this reason that Shoshin, despite regarding the Buddha as merely
sambhogakaya, was nonetheless forced to clearly assert that the Buddha as
dharmakaya did indeed consitute the true understanding of the Tendai teaching.
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Tomomi MATSUMOTO
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
683-686,1254
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In this paper I focus on Hojibo-Shoshin's study of the
Renwang huguo boruojing shu. Shoshin often quotes this text in his
Sandaibu-shiki (_??__??__??__??__??_). It is generally supposed that Guanding wrote the commentary according to Zhiyi's lectures. However, in fascicle 6 of the
Hokkegengi-shiki (_??__??__??__??__??__??_), Shoshin denies the opinion that Guanding wrote the
Renwang huguo boruojing shu and follows ideas from the
Chu-Ninno gokoku hannyaharamitsu kyo (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_) attributed to Saicho instead. The
Chu-Ninno gokoku hannyaharamitsu kyo is almost identical with the
Renwang huguo boruojing shu written by Jizang. On the assumption that Saicho copied Jizang's work, Shoshin opposes the
Renwang huguo boruojing shu on the basis of this authorial issue. This is a good example to indicate Shoshin's intention to attach greater importance to the contents of the views than their author.
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Tomofusa UESUGI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
687-690,1254
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Previously, it was considered that the
Yo homon _??__??__??_ by Genshin _??__??_ (942-10117) can be dated to Year 2 of the Kanna Era _??__??__??__??_ (i. e. 986) on the basis of the colophon appended to the most widely spread edition of the text. However, a different recension of the text found in the collection of the Kanazawa Bunko (Kanagawa Pref.) contains a colophon dated Year 7 of the Kanko Era _??__??__??__??_ (1010). The necessity to re-examine the composition date of the
Yo homon has already been pointed out, but no philological investigation into this problem has been undertaken so far. In this paper, I take into consideration old manuscripts of the text which have not been studied hitherto. On the basis of a comparative analysis of these manuscripts, I conclude that the
Yo homon must have been compiled in Year 7 of the Kanko Era (1010), which calls for a revision of the previously accepted date.
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Kazuo NASU
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
691-697,1255
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In the
Ojoyoshu, Genshin places the contemplative
nembutsu in a superior position to its vocal recitation. He considers the contemplative practice, represented by the absolute and phenomenal
nembutsu, to be the highest form of
nembutsu practice. Genshin does not consider the recitation to be the most significant Pure Land practice.
On the other hand, Honen establishes his teaching as the sole practice of
nembutsu recitation following Shandao's idea of “establishing faith through practice” in his
Guanjing sitie shu,
sanshanyi. Based on his understanding of
nembutsu, Honen reinterprets Genshin's
Ojoyoshu. Honen does not consider the other types of
nembutsu discussed in the text, such as the contemplative
nembutsu, three kinds of ritual protocols, and the visualization of the Buddha, to be very important practices.
Bencho and Ryochu, the second and third patriarchs of the Jodo Shu, continue Honen's position and interpret the
Ojoyoshu through their master's understanding of
nembutsu. However, they also emphasize the significance of the other types of
nembutsu—the contemplative
nembutsu, the three kinds of ritual protocols, and the visualization of the Buddha—which had been ignored by Honen. Further, they recognize the possibility of birth in the Pure Land through practices other than recitation.
While developing their doctrinal positions, these two masters must have read the
Ojoyoshu rather literally, distinct from Honen's position. In order to justify their interpretations, however, they apply the concept of “contingently right acts” discussed in Honen's
Senchakushu.
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Eiken KOBAI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
698-704,1256
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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During the Tokugawa era, “the Sango wakuran incident” occurred in the Nishihongwanji sect.
At that time, awareness of
Shinjin in the first moment of
Shinjin was declared not to be a Shin-Buddhist doctrine.
But I think awareness is part of
Shinjin itself. As Shinran said “Now that I have entered the Sea of the Vow once and for all, I deeply acknowledge the Buddha's Benevolence” (
Kyogyoshinsho, Transformed Buddha and Land Chapter), “What a joy it is that I place my mind in the soil of the Buddha's Universal Vow and I let my thoughts flow into the sea of the Inconceivable Dharma.” (
Kyogyoshinsho, Transformed Buddha and Land Chapter).
I would like to clarify this point.
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Chishu OGASAWARA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
705-708,1256
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The significance of the comment on the Gate of Praise in Tanluan's
Commentary on the Treatise on the Pure Land lies in its expression of the awakening of questioning of the religious subject within sentient beings through the completion of the practice of the recitation of the name of the Buddha, which satisfies all aspirations and destroys the darkness of ignorance. Further, the comment, by drawing out Daochuo's interpretation in the second chapter of his
Collection of Passages on [the Land of] Bliss, led Shinran to realize that Vasubandhu's expression, “I, with single mind, ” is the completion of the three minds of the Original Vow, which caused Shinran to write his questions and answers regarding the three minds of the Original Vow and Vasubandhu's single mind in the “Chapter on Faith.”
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Rei AOKI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
709-712,1257
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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In this paper, through a consideration of Shinran's questions and answers regarding the difference and the singularity of the three minds of the
Larger Sutra and the three minds of the
Contemplation Sutra in
Keshindo no maki of his
Kyogyoshinsho, I will attempt to clarify the problem of faith that he discovered in the three minds of the
Contemplation Sutra.
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On the story of correspondence between Shotoku-Taishi and Zenkoji-Nyorai
Kyoko TATUSGUCHI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
713-719,1257
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Zonkaku (1290-1373) was a great-great-grandchild of Shinran, the founder of the Jodoshin sect. He traveled throughout Japan, and wrote many books to spread Shinran's doctrine. The
Hoonki is one of Zonkaku's works.
In my previous paper I analyzed the motive of his book. He insisted in it that filial piety in Buddhism is better than filial piety in Confucianism. This is because in Confucianism filial piety causes happiness in this life, but in Buddhism filial piety causes happiness in this life and the life to come. And
Nembutsu is the best form of filial piety.
In this paper I will analyze the tale “The correspondence between Shotoku-Taishi and Zenkoji-Nyorai.” This tale was well-known in medieval times. Amida-hijiri holymen spread the story to many areas.
Zonkaku used this tale as an example of memorial services for transfering merit. He insisted that we should perform such memorial services to repay indebtedness.
However, his thought was not the same as Shinran's. For Zonkaku, merittransferance memorial services were a means to an end to spread Shinran's doctrine.
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Daisen TAKASE
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
720-723,1258
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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How, according to Shinran and Zonkaku, do we recognize sin? For Shinran, sin is first made known by Amida Buddha. For Zonkaku, sin is something of which beings become self-aware. Amida Buddha's grace transcends one's self-awareness of sin. We should directly experience truth through religious experience, not intellectually like Shinran.
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Shinsho FUJITA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
724-727,1258
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The central issue in the fraternal quarrel of the Joo period (1652-1655) is whether Saigin's thought deviated toward solipsism. At present this problem has not been sufficiently explored. Here I would like to examine the controversy on the basis of a document Saigin appears to have written earlier, namely the
Fumonbonsho. There are insufficent materials upon which to base a comparison with Saigin's later thought, but it does seem that the quarrel had a serious impact. For this reason, the
Fumonbonsho is an important source, and valuable for the development of Shinshu doctrine.
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Mikuru UCHIMOTO
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
728-732,1258
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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Ajatasatru who appears in the Kyogyosyo monrui has a spiritual pain. Ajatasatru was able to overcome his spiritual pain thanks to Jiva and the Buddha's assistance and empathy.
Spiritual caring does not have the mission of giving a answer, but rather helping a person to be able to face suffering.
Modern people consider a good death to involve reconciliation with someone. However, to live and die bearing one's sin without reconciliation also has meaning.
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Koyu SHIINA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
733-741,1259
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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The
Wanshantongguiji in three (or six) fascicles is a work compiled from the point of view of Chan-Pure Land syncretism by Yongming Yanshou (904-975); it was printed repeatedly, at least 25 times. Having investigated most of these printings, its historical development becomes clear. It is to be placed after the
Zongjinglu, and was often printed in Jiangnan.
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The Enseiron _??__??__??_ at Shinpukuji of the Fifth year of Enkyu _??__??_
Toshinori OCHIAI
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
742-750,1259
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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A manuscript of the
Enseiron (_??__??__??_) was found in the Shinpukuji's (_??__??__??_) manuscript collection. The text appears to be a Zen work composed in Japan during the Heian period by Seishi-Hosshi (_??__??__??__??_). The manuscript dates from the 5
th year of the Enkyu (_??__??_) Era (year 1073AD) of the Heian Period. The scripture belongs to the doctrinal literature of Zen Buddhism, and its author, Seishi-Hosshi, underlines the importance for ascetics to read and study Zen works (_??__??__??_). Despite the fact that I carried out investigations on the author, his life and activities remain unknown. The discovery of this manuscript raises questions regarding the traditional view that Zen Buddhism was introduced to Japan by Zen Masters Nonin (_??__??_), Eisai (_??__??_), and Dogen during the Kamakura (_??__??_) period.
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Ryodo AWAYA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
751-756,1259
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: March 09, 2010
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There are some declarations by elder scholars who have interpreted the rules of practice by Dogen as “
Butsugyo (Buddha's practice).” I suppose that “
Butsugyo” must be interpreted as the rules of mental attitude for the practicer.
Dogen has recognized the rules of practice as the deed of Buddha, and expressed the practice by using the word “
Gyobutsu.” This view of Dogen has been shown in his work, “
Shobogenzo.”
Dogen has never described the rules of practice as “
Butsugyo, ” but has emphasized practicing the rules of practice based on sitting meditation. In order to emphasize this point, he has used the word “
Gyobutsu.”
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Fang WANG
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
757-760,1260
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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The career of the scholar monk Soshun Hotan _??__??__??__??_ (1659-1738) can be regarded as an epitome of the Buddhism during the 1650s to 1750s of the Edo period. For eight years he worked with the Obaku Zen master Tetsugen _??__??_ and assisted in printing and publishing the Obaku edition of the Tripitaka. Later he traveled around famous temples to collect old Buddhist texts, and studied Kegon and Tendai doctrines. He claimed himself as a Kegon monk who had inherited the tradition of Fazang, although his Kegon studies were marked by a very strong Tendai coloration. In his work
Iron Wall with Cloud Scraps _??__??__??__??__??__??_, a critical tract against
The Record of the Blue Cliff _??__??__??__??__??_, he employed the Tendai notion of six stages _??__??_ to interpret the fivefold relations of absolute and relative _??__??__??__??__??__??_ of Soto Zen in an original way. Focusing on this original exegesis, this paper reveals that, on the one hand, Hotan affirms the stages of practice, while on the other hand, he emphasizes the nature of original realization _??__??_ that the fivefold relations have, and maintains that every stage is identical with Buddha in the ultimate sense.
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Katsuhiko KOGA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
761-767,1260
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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In recent years, there has been extensive publication of reprints of historical records pertaining to Modern-Period temples. They are published in various forms, such as as supplementary materials for the official history of local communities and reports of the study of old manuscripts carried out by groups of citizens and scholars. This paper proposes an investigation of how to utilize these book-format historical materials with such titles as ‘daily record’ and ‘diary.’ As is well known, previous studies have limited their scope either to one Buddhist sect or one temple. And although the shortcomings of such a practice have been pointed out, there do not seem to be any deviations from this practice. It should be made clear that these materials contain not only the records of annual events and private life but also those of an official nature pertaining to the Government, Imperial Court and Head Temple. As such, it is proposed that they may be used to provide a synchronic record of Modern Period Japanese history.
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the Tetsugakkan
Hidetsugu TAKAYAMA
2007 Volume 55 Issue 2 Pages
768-773,1261
Published: March 20, 2007
Released on J-STAGE: July 01, 2010
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Inoue Enryo (1858-1919) explains the purpose of the Tetsugakkan (Philosophy Academy), which he founded in September of Meiji 20, in the following manner: “Firstly, it is for those who are studying at an older age and wish to learn quickly; secondly, it is for those who are too poor to enter a university; thirdly, it is for those who cannot read philosophical texts (and such subjects) in their original Western languages.” In other words, Inoue created this academy to teach philosophy and Buddhist thought to the masses.
This is particularly evinced through Inoue's creation of a distance learning program, which was designed to spread these teachings throughout Japan. Further, lectures at the academy were published, allowing for people to study at home.
Inoue also intended that the academy would be a training ground for religious leaders and educators who intended to spread Buddhist teachings to the general population. Inoue, who felt the need to revamp Buddhism so that it was able to meet the needs of the modern age, felt that educating Buddhists was the foremost priority.
Along with the goal of creating well-rounded individuals, Inoue also saw that this education would contribute to the nation itself. Inoue's percipience can be noted in the founding of this academy, and his ideas concerning the nation and society can be seen as coming to fruition at this point in his life.
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