Family Bonds and Space Utilization in Indigenous Communities

The Sampesuvu-Roa Value in Kaili Ledo, Indonesia

Abstract

It is known that kinship in indigenous communities is very close to various tribes and sub-tribes in Indonesia, including the Kaili tribe, which has many sub-tribes. The Kaili Ledo tribe is one of the largest Kaili sub-tribes spread across Central Sulawesi, especially Palu City, the capital of Central Sulawesi Province. The Kaili Ledo community has values inherent in their traditional community because they have strong bonds of brotherhood. This phenomenon occurred after the liquefaction disaster in the Palu valley in the Petobo area. The initial observation found that houses were close to each other between siblings, cousins, mothers, fathers, and other relatives because the kinship system within the clan had expanded due to marriage. Sampesuvu-Roa, in the Kaili Ledo language, is interpreted as brother and cousin. This is the value of brotherhood between the Kaili Ledo community, as a community bond that lives homogeneously, starting from the Raranggonau settlement as the origin of Kaili Ledo until it spreads to the Palu Valley. This research explores the value of Sampesuvu-Roa as a value of brotherhood because it can regulate the use of space together in an agreement in the Raranggonau settlement. As a result, this research found that the influence of Sampesuvu-Roa can determine shared space and the use of other vernacular spaces in the Raranggonau settlement.

Introduction

It is known that kinship in indigenous communities is very close to various tribes and sub-tribes in Indonesia, including the Kaili tribe, which has many sub-tribes. The Kaili Ledo tribe is one of the largest Kaili sub-tribes spread across Central Sulawesi, especially Palu City, the capital of Central Sulawesi Province. The Kaili tribe consists of several sub-tribes with their dialect characteristics. There are around 20 dialects of the Kaili language, such as Kaili Ledo, Kaili Rai, Kaili Ija, Kaili Unde, Kaili Inde, Kaili Ado, Kaili Edo, Kaili Tara, Kaili Doi, Kaili Da'a and others. These Kaili language speakers are called Kaili people or To Kaili; as stated (Mattulada, 1985), the Kaili people have similarities in language and ancestral customs. Even though each sub-tribe has a different dialect of the Kaili language, Kaili people can generally understand one dialect and another. The Kaili Ledo language is a lingua franca or mother tongue among the Kaili people in Palu Bay (Sairin, 2020).

This research began with the bonds of brotherhood after the 2018 liquefaction disaster in Petobo, Palu, Central Sulawesi. This started in the earthquake-affected areas, which experienced house losses and damage to houses, in Petobo, Biromaru, and surrounding areas still occupying the affected areas. This has become a phenomenon in human behavior and society. Many studies on earthquakes in Palu City and Sigi Regency always discuss Petobo liquefaction, most of which are from the Kaili Ledo community in the Palu Valley. However, post-disaster research on humans and their cultural behavior needs to be carried out, especially on the strength of fraternal ties between the Kaili Ledo community, to create traditional space development strategies. Become the space they long for. There is an empirical gap, so further research is needed to determine why things like this happen. It was found that the majority of Kaili Ledo people. This was done in the Kaili Ledo Traditional Tribe area in Raranggonau until it spread to Palu Valley.

It was found that the majority of the Kaili Ledo community in Petobo, Biromaru, and Sigi Pombewe are part of this community; even though the community is heterogeneous because it is located in the Palu Valley area and is an urban area, this study took the most significant sample, namely the Kaili Ledo Community. In Palu City, there are many Kaili people, but the Kaili Ledo community mostly lives in Palu City; several interviews with traditional leaders in the Palu Valley said their origins were in the Lando mountains (Raranggonau) or the mountains due to the times and the entry of the Dutch (Colonial).

Currently, in post-disaster settlements, especially in the Kaili Ledo distribution area in the Palu Valley, they continue to live, repair, and develop spaces and houses in disaster-prone regions despite the government prohibiting them from living in them. This condition is implemented in house management because the involvement of residents in community affairs can significantly reduce the burden of environmental maintenance and community management, encouraging community residents to actively continue maintenance habits and collectively create a resilient and sustainable community (Tsuang, Wu et al., 2021).

In previous research conducted by (Arief, Subroto et al., 2023a). Regarding the critical values in the Raranggonau settlement as a bond of cultural identity, it has been found that Katuvu is an essential value in home life (gender aspect and Tinjabumvu or Tiangraja) and the environment, namely that Tambale is a value system and manifestation of Katuvu, including Tomanuru or ancestors and Sampesuvu-Roa (brother and cousin), (Arief, Subroto et al., 2023b). However, the role of Sampesuvu-Roa in organizing space through mutual agreements and forming vernacular architecture in traditional activities, one of which is the Nasompo tradition, is not yet known. The Kaili Ledo community has values inherent in its traditional community because they have potent bonds of brotherhood. This can be found in houses close to each other between siblings, cousins, mothers, fathers, and other relatives. Apart from that, they arrange a joint agreement (Nolibu), which is known by the traditional leader or deputy traditional leader, to determine the space for holding traditional events such as weddings (Nasompo), which starts from preparations before the event until the event is held. Hence, this needs to be explored more deeply.

This research is about the ties of cultural identity in brotherhood between the Kaili Ledo community because there is no related literature regarding this matter, so it is necessary to discuss the brotherhood system in forming community space; for this reason, this research has the main aim of exploring Sampesuvu-Roa values based on activities, in values brotherhood because this can regulate joint use of space in an agreement, in the Raranggonau settlement, it is necessary to study the settlements of origin of the Kaili Ledo community, which contain symbols and meanings of life before the disaster occurred. Its objectives are as follows.

To find out the formation of communal activities in the community environment in the Raranggonau settlement

To find symbols and meanings of the communal space of the Raranggonau residential area

To determine the value of the kinship and brotherhood system in a space

The gap in current research, the absence of research related to the Post-Disaster Kaili Ledo community, accompanied by damage to artifacts and evidence of settlements damaged by the disaster, is a problem because there is a cognitive behavioral phenomenon in attachment to places that are in disaster-prone zones. The hope is to find a strategy for utilizing vernacular spaces with strong ties in the Kaili Ledo community, both at its origins in the Raranggonau settlement and the spread of Kaili Ledo in the Palu Valley.

Cultural identity and spatial utilization in the Kaili Ledo

The research began with previous research by Arief, Subroto et al. (2023a) about the values that bind the Kaili Ledo community, obtained from Tambale as a manifestation of the values, Tomanuru or ancestors, Katuvu and Sampesuvu-Roa. A bond is a strong attachment, as Relph said (Relph, 1976), as cited by (Seamon and Sowers, 2008), that dimensions in human size and place can be used as constructs to identify the identity of a place by considering the significance of the place in developing and maintaining self-identity and group identity as well as the combination of their characteristics. Place characteristics are well identified and significantly perceived by users and can provide conditions to meet their functional needs and support their behavioral goals due to the social ties of the community, length of stay, and characteristics of the place (Lewicka, 2008), and better than other alternative places, (Williams, Patterson et al., 1992). Place attachment causes psychological processes and the collective accumulation of memories that result in ownership of a place or residence (Hernández, Hidalgo et al., 2007). The psychological process has the meaning associated with the social and individual, resulting in perception because perception results from psychological processes rooted in the rules of the identity of that place (Stokols, 1981). According to Hidalgo and Hernandez (2001), development (affective ties) or relationships between social communities, individuals, and certain places are expressed through interactions, beliefs, behavior, and actions.

Next, in cultural ties, they carry out activities on environmental behavior and create spatial settings based on activities because indigenous communities, which have cosmological aspects as part of the culture, are pattern-forming factors, and spatial structures occur based on the cosmological influence of the dominant group; namely a society that is relatively homogeneous in terms of ethnicity and culture in general. According to Altman and Werner (1985), the home environment is part of a broader and culturally diverse regulatory system (housing and housing systems). Then the settings system may include the Nature of the settings, some of which can be counterintuitive, how and by whom they are used, depending on their actual meaning, what is included or excluded, penetration gradients, applicable rules, ongoing user behavior and activities, signals are given through settings, the nature of boundaries, the reasons for a particular order, the extent of the system which, about the home range, is known, the areas used or avoided, the linkages and separations between settings, the nature of relationships between barriers.

In the spatial setting, it is necessary to identify the domestic space by analyzing the way different activities and settings are combined in space and to delimit spaces: the inner domestic space, the surrounding activity settings, the outer domestic space where the activities and settings that require more space are located. , with non-domestic outdoor space (Rapoport, 1990). Norms and rules can be inferred from the configuration and combination of different activities and settings and their interrelationships. The circulation of people and objects shapes residential and domestic spaces but can only be restored directly for objects. Apart from domestic space, a space utilization strategy for the Raranggonau settlement is needed by the community; this is a theoretical reference, not a theory based on the field because this research is exploratory, knowledge is required about space experience and space utilization strategies, what they do in shaping space, especially for the community, the theoretical reference is Space flexibility expressed in three implementation concepts.

The three application concepts are expansibility, convertibility, and versatility (Pena and Parshall, 2012). Expansion is a concept of flexibility applied in space with the ability to expand space. For the concept of convertibility, a space or building can allow changes in the layout within one space. For the concept of versatility, a room or building can be multifunctional. Thus, it can be understood with the keywords addition, arrangement, and multifunction. The exploration results will find themes related to Sampesuvu-Roa values as a value system of fraternal bonds in forming community space, which can regulate the use of space together in agreement in the Raranggonau settlement.

Cultural Values and Societal Dynamics

To search for value requires knowledge related to the literature on the definition of value; according to Alfan (2013), in the study of philosophy, values are differentiated into (1) logical values as right or wrong, (2) aesthetic values as beautiful or not beautiful, and (3) ethical values /moral as good or bad values. According to Lewin (1951), values influence behavior; value is a concept (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961); value means the property of a being or the quality of a being (Heider, 1958); value is an eternal belief (Rokeach, 1973), values are a form of beliefs about the steps in achieving a goal (Feather, Seligman et al., 1996; Schwartz, S., 1996; Schwartz, S. H., 1994). Values have been a central concept in the social sciences since their inception. For Durkheim, Sutcliffe et al. (1992), as cited by Davidov (2015), Values are critical to explaining organizational, social, and personal change. Values have played an essential role in sociology, psychology, and anthropology. Values are used to characterize cultural groups and people, track changes over time, and explain the motivational basis of attitudes and behavior(Schwartz, S. H., 2012)..

Considering three issues facing all societies, Schwartz, S. H. (1999), as cited by Sagiv (2011), derives value dimensions from comparing cultures. The first issue is the relationship, or boundaries, between individuals and groups, which are embedded in culture-given entities embedded in collectivities. An individual/group finds meaning through social relationships, identification with the group, participation, and striving toward a common goal. Values such as social order, respect for tradition, security, and wisdom are essential in a culture of autonomy; people are seen as autonomous, bounded entities that must find meaning in their uniqueness and are encouraged to express their internal attributes (preferences, traits, feelings, motifs). There are two types of cultural autonomy: Intellectual autonomy encourages individuals to pursue their own ideas and intellectual direction independently (important values: curiosity, breadth of mind, creativity). Affective autonomy encourages individuals to pursue positive affective experiences for themselves (values: pleasure, exciting life, varied life).

Research Method

Study Location

Sampesuvu-Roa was first discovered by researchers in the Palu Valley or Palu City, and the origins of Kaili Ledo were in the Raranggonau settlement before diffusing into the Palu Valley. This research requires an exploration of the spatiality of the settlement, then answering Sampesuvu-Roa as a value for brothers and relatives in shaping the space of the community. The locus of this research is located in the Raranggonau settlement, which consists of mountains and hills with an area of 7,958 Ha at an altitude of 950 meters above sea level, Palu Bay (BRWA, 2022). This can be seen in Figure 1.

Figure 1. (a) Geographical layout of Research Locations, Indonesia, Palu City, Central Sulawesi. (b) Raranggonau settlement map.

This study uses a constructivist paradigm to understand the behavior and mindset of the indigenous Kaili Ledo regarding social and cultural meanings. According to Adom, Yeboah et al. (2016), constructivism's philosophical paradigm is an approach that builds understanding and knowledge of worldly things and reflects on that experience.

This research uses grounded theory, which constructs symbolic meanings and philosophical values of local culture, which are inherently integrated with the spaces of the building (Subroto, 2019). It is a form of exploratory field research where researchers are directly involved with the local community. According to (Umanailo and Basrun, 2018), the Grounded Theory will produce a theory that is inductively drawn based on empirical data from field observations.

Data

Data was gathered through traces of artifacts and interviews with selected elders about houses remaining in the Kaili Ledo community in the Palu Valley. It thus obtained information about the origins of the Kaili Ledo community, who live in the Lando mountains in the Raranggonau settlement, and the role of the values of home life in the Kaili Ledo community.

Interview guidelines, sketches, and recordings were presented to informants such as village officials, traditional leaders, traditional descendants, hamlet heads, heads of households, and the present and past residents of Kaili Ledo in Raranggonau. The informants were classified according to house, age, gender, and social strata. For example, a total of 30 homes in the Raranggonau settlement, which includes several traditional leaders, including (traditional leaders, deputy traditional leaders, descendants of conventional leaders), hamlet heads, heads of Neighborhood Units/Rukun Tetangga/RT, including RT1, RT2, RT3, and village officials, apart from that. He is also an archaeologist and museum historian in Central Sulawesi (Descendants of the Raranggonau & Kaili Ledo Tribe).

Data collection stages

The interviews focused on their direct experience using questions formulated based on the selected theory—the data collected concerning the setting and activity systems. This research was carried out with a focus on finding the symbols and meanings of the Kaili Ledo tribe's dwelling data using grounded theory. Analysis was carried out repeatedly in the data dialogue. Analyses were also performed on the data to obtain the codes. The data analysis was carried out through the environment; there is an activity system and a setting system. The data collection results followed the research stages as follows:

1. (1)   The initial stage is related to the environment that forms the territory. In the environment, there is an activity system and a setting system. There are spaces in the Raranggonau settlement, including social spaces and houses. During this stage, the research questions are formulated from theory to be used in the field; one example is about activities system Table 1 :

Table 1. Research questions for interviews, Formulated based on behavioral setting (Activities System)

Variables (1)	Parameters (2)	Question indicators (3)	Variable indicators (4)
Sampesuvu-Roa/ (Family)	Meaning the most latent aspect. Ideal values more creatively and dynamically	Where, Why, What, How, Who	its nature and role

1. (2)   This stage continues the initial stage, the back-and-forth relationship from nonphysical aspects such as activity systems, which can understand related physical themes in the previous stage. The activities of the Raranggonau settlement community are analyzed by categories, such as how to carry out activities, side activities, and the meaning of an activity. Activities are arranged based on the categories of aspects that influence them to get spiritual, cultural, social, and economic factors. The results are based on the actors; individual, collective, spiritual, daily, and periodic activities are obtained. What is the meaning of Sampesuvu-Roa? What is its nature and role? What activities are carried out in communal activities at traditional events? Moreover, how do we create that space? The data collection method was selected through purposive sampling related to the phenomena, which included variant cases in area RT1 (Bukit Sindura and Posanggara), area RT2 (Sindura, Limpo, Tana Ombo and Tondo), area RT3 (Rano Mpasuli, Tamangawa, Dayo Mpagurrui and Pantono Ibo), and residents who once lived in Raranggonau.
2. (3)  

   This stage continues from the initial stage, the back-and-forth relationship from non-physical aspects such as activity systems, which can understand related physical themes in the previous stage. The activities of the Raranggonau settlement community are analyzed by categories, such as how to carry out activities, side activities, and the meaning of an activity. Activities are arranged based on the categories of aspects that influence them to get spiritual, cultural, and social factors. The results are based on the actors; individual, collective, spiritual, daily, and periodic activities are obtained.

3. (4)  

   At this stage, selective coding relates to house bonding. According to Charmaz (2006), it is “the process of integrating and refining categories”. This is where things come together for researchers to form theories. For example, cultural evolution seems to cover most topics, but it does not fully explain environmental degradation or how relationships and communities degrade. Evolution does not imply anything negative; when it does, it exhibits positive characteristics for the better. However, more and more people are discussing disintegration and collapse. In “Writing the Storyline,” Corbin and Strauss (2008) said that the theory becomes clearer and validated through the application of data and by returning to several informants for their responses.

4. (5)  

   Focused coding aims to find specific themes related to the Raranggonau Residential Spaces. At this stage, the analysis enriches the findings from meanings and symbols based on the exploration of the house and before building the homes.

5. (6)  

   The result of the data collection and analysis process is a substantive theory, which is a strategic link in developing and generating grounded formal theory because the substantive approach is based on research in one particular substantive field. (Glaser and Strauss, 2017). The results of the grounded theory are the formulation of themes and words, empirically, that the word "Sampesuvu-Roa" in the Indonesian language “Keluarga” is one of the main subjects in the Kaili Ledo Community Figure 2.

Figure 2. Word Cloud in Raranggonau Settlements by Nvivo Software

Data Analysis

From empirical data and analyzed by coding, Sampesuvu-Roa was found to be based on identifying space utilization strategies in the Raranggonau settlement about space flexibility, which shows several facts found in space utilization strategies that produce several themes and create a concept, namely (1) consensus, (2) connectivity, (3) multifunction, (4) division, (5) separation, and (6) additions, in terms of domestic and non-domestic spaces. These themes are arranged to produce Sampesuvu-Roa in domestic and non-domestic space utilization strategies in Table 2. The empirical results found are linked to references from the opinion of (Pena and Parshall, 2012), which reveal three elements of the concept of flexibility: expansibility, convertibility, and versatility. However, in the Raranggonau community space, there are themes of consensus and connectivity that describe the concepts of togetherness and kinship, in addition to themes of multifunctionality, division, separation, and addition, which produce themes of expansibility, convertibility, and versatility.

Table 2. Identification of Sampesuvu-Roa in the Use of Space and Time in the Raranggonau Settlement Seen from Domestic Space and Non-Domestic Space

Identify Space Utilization Strategies	Themes	Domestic Space	Non-Domestic Space	Times
Use of shared space (open space and residential)	Consensus	Tambale	Tambale, Doyata, Tanalapa, Kalampa, Bantaya	Dopa, Membonda Eo, TangaEo dan NasoloEo
Consensus on the use of community space	Consensus	Avu, Tambale	Tambale , Talua, Enau, Bantaya	Dopa, Membonda
Connectivity between residences through space	Connectivity	Tambale, Avu	Tambale ,Bantaya, Kalampa, Doyata, Tanalapa	Dopa, Membonda Eo, TangaEo
Multifunctional use of space	Multifunctional	Tambale, Lundue, Pomboli, Avu	Tambale, Posambu, Tanalapa, Doyata	Dopa, Membonda
The addition of space becomes a new room	Addition	Tambale	Posambu	Dopa, Membonda
Division of space with curtains	Distribution	Tambale, Tombi, Avu	Boya, Talua, Bonde, Oma, Pangale, Vana, dan Binangga
Separation of space based on room type for use together	Separation	Avu, Lundue, Pomboli	Patotai

Figure 3. Domestic space in the residential space of the Raranggonau settlement.

Source: Arief, Subroto et al. (2023b)

Figure 4. Community Utilization of Territory, starting from the settlement (Boya) and the River (Binangga) in the Raranggonau Settlement. Source: Arief, Subroto et al. (2023b).

Boya is the core area, which contains private spaces, such as residences in Banua, Palava, and Sou, and communal spaces, Kalampa, Posambu, and Bantaya, which are always built-in residential areas. Boya is a residential area where the residents’ houses are grouped in relatively small numbers, not lined up like the houses in the villages along which the road passes. In Boya, there is also a Bantaya, a traditional hall, and a multi-purpose open hall found in every Kaili settlement, usually a place that stands out among all the other buildings in a village (Arief, Subroto et al., 2024). The following is a spatial layout with a concentric pattern, where Boya becomes the center of human activity until it spreads to the outskirts with profane and sacred activities. This can be seen in Figure 4.

Binangga in the Kaili Ledo language means river; in Raranggonau, it is between the Paneki and Konjo rivers. This river is part of the springs of community life apart from mountain springs. The river is significant because it is the medium of the Poraabinangga ceremony. It is part of the Kaili ancestral ritual in the Palu Valley, where the Almighty is asked to send down rain, sunlight, and soil fertility. This is completed when a prolonged dry season or natural disasters are caused by human activities that destroy nature. (Arief, Subroto et al., 2023a).

Table 2 identifies space utilization strategies that occur based on the culture of the community. Through space, the place used will be known, the time in Kaili Ledo language, "Morning" or Dopa Membonda Eo, and "Noon Day" or Tanga Eo, carried out by the perpetrator based on ritual—or traditional activities. Space utilization is based on the behavioral settings of space users and the culture that follows. In the Raranggonau settlement, there are various kinds of space uses; the community carries out strategies in vernacular use of space using local materials and cultural elements as well as ties in the kinship system in the Kaili Ledo community. Continuing from Figure 3, based on empirical analysis that Tambale is part of the residential space, which is always managed as a Sampesuvu-Roa space, and agreed (Nolibu) as in Table 3 below is the conclusion of Tambale being a determining factor in the residential layout of the Kaili Ledo community, which is based on the relevant functions, area, and capacity of Tambale. Table 2.

Table 3. Function, Area and Capacity, Tambale in Raranggonau Settlement in Sampesuvu-Roa Space Utilization

Tambale	Sou	Palava	Banua	Information
Area	4m2 - 6m2	9m2 - 12m2	14m2 - 16m2	Each Tambale has a varying area, depending on capacity, which is agreed upon in advance.
Capacity	Sampesuvu/ (Siblings and cousins)	Sampesuvu-Roa/ (Siblings and cousins)- (relatives)	Sampesuvu-Roa/ (Siblings and cousins)- (relatives)	Not all Sou will be accommodated by Sampesuvu, depending on the agreement.
Function	Nolibu	Nolibu-Pinikaso	Nolibu-Pinikaso	Not only is Pinikaso a place of rest, but religious rituals are also usually carried out in Tambale.

Results Finding and Discussion

Kinship, gender roles, and traditions in Kaili Ledo Community

In the Raranggonau settlement, the Kaili Ledo people are very familiar with the diction “Sampesuvu-Roa” or "Nosampesuvu," meaning we are all brothers, which can be seen in the kinship that is divided between various regions (RT) and other regions (RT) in marriage ties, even though they know "we are all brothers" but forbid it. If it occurs, marriage between siblings will be given customary sanctions or application of traditional law processes related to the microcosm concept in the Kaili community's understanding and application of lifestyles in smaller environments, such as in homes, villages, and large settlements. (Siradjuddin, 2023). The Kaili Ledo community calls “Givu” will be carried out at the Bantaya place and rejecting reinforcements with Pompora Binangga or Maronde Uda, digesting the blood of livestock in the river. This happened because a house with nine people created the potential for marriage between siblings.

To ri Raranggonau or (Raranggonau people) generally introduce their identity to outsiders to differentiate them from other communities. In traditional meetings, "Kita to ri Raranggonau" (We the Raranggonau People) are often heard to emphasize their existence as a social unit. Among the Raranggonau people, lineage can determine a person's role in their community. However, this role is not related to class in the social structure. In one household, husband and wife can have different roles in a ritual because of differences in their lineage. The husband and wife have excellent knowledge in their fields and good manners in everyday life, so both continue to carry out their traditional functions.

Marriage within the immediate family is commonplace in Raranggonau. Some families have a marriage relationship, usually first cousins Figure 5. Most distant cousin four times for the current generation. To ri Raranggonau, mentioning parents' names is impolite. They are, moreover, mentioning the names of ancestors. Usually, if you are forced to say the name of an ancestor from the second generation or higher, you do so by holding their head or lowering the tone of their voice so as not to be disobedient (mabunto). That is why, when asked about relationships or lineages in Raranggonau, they usually start with the answer that: “There is no one else here," or “In Raranggonau, we are all brothers." or, if outsiders tell stories about to ri Raranggonau's ancestors, they usually answer: " Yes, that is what our parents once told us. " (Interview all residents of Sindura Hill, Raranggonau, 2022).

The scope of kinship within the clan expanded due to marriage between cousins (parallel cousins), then the people of Kaili Ledo in the Raranggonau area and its spread strongly believed in the presence of the figure of Tomanuru as a wife who could have a significant influence on changes in the figure of Tomalanggai as a husband, whose supernatural powers and influence increasing, accompanied by an increasingly wiser and wiser attitude. This shaped the character of the child who became Tomalanggai's successor and was appointed Madika by inheriting the knowledge and attitudes possessed by his father from generation to generation. Tomanuru's role as a mother figure can shape her children's character by providing advice on running the government wisely. In the Kaili Ledo community, women are positioned as subjects who control the management of family economic resources in maintaining and managing the use of assets or inheritance that the family has when the inheritance has not been divided (Bulongo). This institution gives women's characters a sense of responsibility and social leadership because this institution regulates the rights and obligations of women in society.

According to Butudoka (2022), who found gender aspects in the traditions inhabited by the Kaili Da'a community in Balane can also be observed. As a social construction, gender aspects are strongly influenced by local culture; gender aspects in Kaili Ledo are called home life or Katuvu ri Sou (Arief, Subroto et al., 2023a). Even though society generally adheres to a bilineal culture, matrilineal elements remain prominent: for example, in the inheritance of residence and inheritance or (Bulongo) family by daughters, and complete trust in women or mothers to preserve inheritance, maintain space, and organize their homes. Residence is also found in Kaili Ledo.

Figure 5. Clan of Kaili Ledo Community of Diagram

Source : Sulaiman, Laintagoa et al. (1986)

Mapping Figure 6 shows family relationships from residential groupings, all of which have sibling and cousin ties (Sampesuvu-Roa) in the Raranggonau settlement, and dominance is found by siblings and male cousins (Sampesuvu-Roa Langgai).

Figure 6. Kinship from the Sampesuvu-Roa Group in the Kaili Ledo Raranggonau Community.

Sampesuvu-Roa on space utilization strategies

Sampesuvu-Roa and togetherness in strategies for utilizing domestic and non-domestic space, which, through consensus and connectivity, includes spatial flexibility from multifunctional space, addition, division, and separation of space. The themes of consensus and connectivity in this research show togetherness, cooperation, mutual giving, agreement (Nolibu), mutual assistance or willingness, and mutual bonding as a mutually beneficial family. There are kinship values for agreement. In the kinship to obtain agreement (Nolibu), there are Tutua, parents, and family or ancestors before taking a stance and goal. The phenomenon of family (siblings and cousins) or kinship in a homogeneous community space is part of Sampesuvu-Roa, carried out by the Raranggonau settlement community. Sampesuvu-Roa is carried out as a joint effort to repel bad luck or bad luck from someone who violates the agreement of a village family; the determination of this agreement is carried out by parents or older people as mediators in considering the common goals of the community such as in Nasompo activities, Maronde uda or Poraabinangga. During the preparation of Nasompo, the domestic spaces were Tambale and Avu, while non-domestic ones were Tambale Outside and Posambu, which were in Doyata and Tanalapa. During Nasompo activities, it is an agreement (Nolibu) of residents in a community space. In spatial connectivity, mutual agreement (Nolibu) is found. It imitates the values of ancestors passed down from generation to generation to face the future, such as in each family to unite residential space with shared space and access between houses. These findings show that the values of kinship and togetherness in the sibling and cousin system in the Raranggonau settlement community demonstrate the principles of Sampesuvu-Roa.

Periodic activities of a cultural, social, and spiritual nature, such as Nasompo activities and other customs, were previously carried out in Tambale and carried out the Pinikaso ritual(Arief, Subroto et al., 2023a). After that, the Nasompo ritual in Doyata and Tanalapa becomes a space often carried out in communal activities. This space is a reception area for guests, which the community calls a tunnel or Posambu Figure 7. Posambu is semi-permanent and temporary, for three months or longer, depending on the owner's needs. Posambu has two types, whose function is to add new space; this can be explained in the section on adding space.

Figure 7. Multifunctional Non-Domestic Space in Posambu.

Apart from Tambale, as in the previous explanation regarding Posambu for non-domestic activities. Posambu, in the use of multifunctional space, is cultural, spiritual, and social, and Posambu is used in Doyata or courtyards and Tanalapa or Fields, as well as residences. This can be seen in Banua and Palava, which are to the side of the house. Posambu in Banua and Palava is a strategy for adding space on an emergency basis; besides activities for guests, it is also usually used for public kitchens if Kalampa in Sindura is too far from the community to carry out traditional activities. Posambu is used during specific periods in traditional wedding activities (Nasompo) and is made a month before the wedding. The Posambu is left to dry clothes for three months if the activity is finished. The emergency Posambu will also be dismantled because it is semi-permanent using bamboo construction, and the materials are available in Raranggonau, not far from the residence. This case can be seen at the house of Totua Nuada, the traditional leader in the Raranggonau settlement, and Sou, as seen in Figure 8.

Figure 8. Additional Room from Posambu in Doyata.

In Figure 9. The spatial relationship in Tambale, Tanalapa, and Doyata is a connectivity system with mutual meaning and benefits. Tanalapa is a field often used for social and cultural activities. Bantaya became a place to discuss communal activities, and Tambale became a space for visual viewing of Tanalapa. Kalampa is also part of this connectivity system if traditional events are held. Avu and Kalampa are intertwined in cooking and dirty kitchen activities. Meanwhile, Doyata has the same function as Tanalapa, only that it is referred to as a shared courtyard of several residences. The connectivity system is the same as Tanalapa, Bantaya, and Banua, but in Doyata, there are Sou and Palava.

Figure 9. Tambale Space Relations in (Banua, Palava and Sou), Bantaya, Tanalapa, and Doyata.

In the Raranggonau settlement, the community owns a large land area for each family. Some residents build new houses for new family members, not far from the homes of their parents, siblings, or cousins. Adding a new house is expected in the Kaili Ledo community settlement because local wisdom shows the importance of kinship or what residents call Sampesuvu-Roa. This finding represents the kinship system in which the Kaili Ledo community lives, which shows that the values of kinship and togetherness in the Raranggonau settlement community demonstrate these principles, with several families building houses close to each other between children (Ananta) and fathers (Tuama) or mother (Tina) so that the distribution of residential areas based on family can be seen in Figure 10. In the image caption are the residential relationship of Sampesuvu, Sampesuvu-Roa Langgai, and the residential relationship of Tina and Ananta.

Figure 10. Residential Space Relations Based on Sampesuvu-Roa

The large land area is a consideration in the central spatial relationship, Tambale, which is part of residences such as Banua, Palava, and Sou, directly connected to the courtyard (Doyata) or field (Tanbalapa). Besides that, Bantaya and Kalampa support the space for communal activities with Tambale.

Sampesuvu-Roa on communal activities in Kalampa

Sintuvu, or Nosintuvu, is carried out by the Raranggonau people. Nosintuvu is a robust cooperation system by the Kaili Ledo community in Raranggonau. The distribution of the Kaili tribe in one direction originates from the "Adapobarei" custom, which is a custom that spreads its descendants through marriage between families, especially cousins (Nosampesuvu). The Kaili Ledo Tribe people have close family ties because marriage ties between families intertwine them. From these origins, the Kaili tribe community developed a system of intermarriage and eventually spread to more expansive areas. The Nosintuvu implementation process helps with preparations, including creating a room for the wedding ceremony, providing residential spaces for preparations, and helping with cooking for wedding consumption Figure 11 .

Cooking is an individual activity in the family carried out by mothers and women. The Raranggonau settlement has large-scale cooking activities like wedding celebrations and other events. Cooking is still done with the same cooking equipment. Cooking equipment uses a stove with firewood. Cooking activities for special celebrations can be done communally in the Kalampa (public kitchen). Cooking activities can occur in more than two rooms, with additional space for temporary cooking space Figure 12 .

Figure 11. Tuama/Fathers for Noaja/Cutting Meat for preparation for Adapobarei Residents of Raranggonau Settlement.

Figure 12. (a) Cooking in Kalampa for Communal Eating Activities, (b) cooking in Posambu for the Additional Kitchen.

Residents of the Raranggonau settlement use a room for cooking activities to carry out cooking activities. The cooking activity is carried out in the kitchen (Avu). In some cases, cooking activities are carried out in additional rooms in the house where there is a big celebration, one of which is in the home of the traditional leader, which Posambu made for the kitchen.

Tambale and Posambu as part of the Nasompo celebration and traditional activities

The residents of Kaili Ledo have long loved it and come a week or three days before the celebration event at gathering activities (Romu) in Tanalapa and Tambale, as well as Posambu, which is a space formed by the community when there is a celebration event such as a wedding, or Nasompo, which is a traditional wedding activity Figure 13. Posambu is the use of community space or part of the space of Doyata or Tanalapa and outer Tambale in facilitating Sampesuvu-Roa.

Figure 13. Pinikaso Activities Before the Nasompo tradition, in Tambale

Figure 14. Posambu in Doyata and Sou in Nasompo traditional activities

Figure 14 and the Posambu space hierarchy, are multifunctional spaces and additional spaces, non-domestic or outdoor spaces connected to community spaces in Tambale residences and outdoor spaces in Doyata and Tanalapa. Posambu is not only used as a place for guests but can be used as an emergency Kalampa or public kitchen, as well as part of the community room, which is integrated into the residence. Kalampa can stand alone like in the Sindura area, close to Bantaya; Posambu is only used semi-permanently, with a time of use of around 2-3 months after the Nasompo traditional activities.

Conclusions

A summary of the concepts found by researchers in the research is in Figure 15 ,explaining the related formulas “T=S. (To+K),” This is intended to determine where traditional activities or agreements (Nolibu) are carried out with the Sampesuvu-Roa symbolized (S), including conventional apparatus. Tambale is symbolized (T), an alternative to Bantaya as a place to hold traditional activities or determine agreements (Nolibu). Then, a residence in which the role of being older than siblings or cousins is chosen to carry out Nasompo and Pinikaso celebrations and other customs. Tambale (T), as previously explained, is part of the residence, where in the residence, there are values from Tomanuru (To) as an ancestral value and Katuvu (K) as a life value. So it can be concluded that the Tambale formula for housing is Sampesuvu-Roa or relatives, cousins, and family relatives multiplied (Tomanuru added Katuvu). This is the theory of the Kaili Ledo community in the Palu Valley, which is not only in the Raranggonau settlement as the origin of the Kaili Ledo Community.

Figure 15. Raranggonau Settlement Value System Concept.

Tomanuru, Katuvu, and Sampesuvu-Roa, then if it is connected to the phenomenon of the Kaili Ledo settlement, which was lost due to the earthquake and liquefaction in 2018 in Petobo, in the aftermath of the disaster until now there is an attachment to land, places, relatives and ancestors, which have value life from nature and home, in a space that facilitates Sampesuvu-Roa, as a space that is longed for. The main objective of this research is to explore the value of Sampesuvu-Roa based on activities in the value of brotherhood because this can regulate the joint use of space in an agreement in the Raranggonau settlement. Based on themes formed from empirical, the theme, Tambale, and Posambu are part of the Nasompo traditional activities, namely the Tambale room, which becomes a place of mutual agreement (Nolibu) before making Posambu and Kalampa are done together, then discussed beforehand with Tutua nuada or traditional leader, before carrying out traditional activities, such as wedding parties and before marriage (Pinikaso). The values contained in Sampesuvu-Roa show that people carry out traditional rituals by helping each other, kinship, and cooperation with relatives, cousins, and relatives (Sampesuvu-Roa). All these themes were summarised to become the Sampesuvu-Roa concept.

Sampesuvu-Roa has hedonistic values dominant values; researchers add the value of mutual help, kinship value, togetherness value, cultural value, and brotherhood value, in the view of Schwartz, S. H. (2012) about the value system which is summarised as "Self Transcendence also has Self Enhancement," if combined in the Sampesuvu-Roa category, namely relatives, cousins, and friends, (community), there are communal and community spaces such as in residences, Sou, Palava and Banua, in the Tambale space. Other sacred communal spaces are Bantaya, Talua, and Posambu. Posambu is a traditional tunnel during traditional wedding celebration activities. There is also a profane collaborative space, namely Kalampa. Meanwhile, the public space for the community is Binangga, or the river, which is part of the Poraabinangga ritual. This makes Sampesuvu-Roa a strong bond within the Kaili Ledo community, which has a strategy for utilizing space in the Raranggonau settlement.

Inside settlements, there is also a community space from the residence in the Tambale, which is also a place for families to gather, both the nuclear family and others (Sampesuvu-Roa). "We are all brothers". They always say, "We will not leave our ancestral lands." This philosophy is rooted in the valley of Palu from the post-disaster period to the present. The relationship between humans and nature and their environment explains that people in the Kaili Ledo tribal community have a very high attachment and longing for their homeland, ancestral land, respect for their ancestors, and the house they live in. Even though there has been an earthquake, they will come back and remember the good times with their family (Sampesuvu-Roa) in Tambale at Sou, Palava, and Banua (Arief, Subroto et al., 2023a).

There is a subject to answer the post-disaster phenomenon in Petobo in the Kaili Ledo community in Sampesuvu-Roa in Tambale. Suppose the subject is interpreted as longing or Nalentora. In that case, the word fragments can be analyzed as follows: Nalentora Sampesuvu ante Roa ri Tambale (Missing relatives, cousins and friends in Tambale), Nalentora Yaku Ante Tana Kaili (I miss the land of Kaili, Nalentora ri Banua, Sampesuvu-Roa (I miss home, relatives, cousins and friends. (After the earthquake in Palu City, Pasha, 2018).

The relevance of the strategy of providing and utilizing residential space cannot be separated from the knowledge system in the desired community experience. If there is forced displacement due to natural disasters, it is best to understand the spiritual, cultural, and social aspects. The concept of the settlement value system in the Kaili Ledo Community is Life, (Katuvu), in the dwelling and the natural surroundings, ancestors, (Tomanuru), which is a mythical incarnation of a god, who is also human (Tina), comes from heaven, bringing a set of customs and marrying a human, (Toama) to becoming a leader (Madika) as well as sibling ties, (Sampesuvu-Roa), brothers, cousins, and relatives.

It is not certain that these three values can be applied in appropriate spatial planning for the movement of groups of people in one place. Every place has different behavior and culture, especially in urban areas and is not a homogenous society. If in a place there are other ethnic groups, apart from the indigenous ethnic groups, then it is certain that displacement will occur, because, in indigenous ethnic groups, especially the Kaili Ledo community, It is possible to move by village, or an entire settlement, because indigenous tribes are rooted in a place they have lived in for a long time.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, I.A., T.Y.W.S. and S.R.M.; methodology, I.A., T.Y.W.S.; investigation, I.A.; resources, I.A.; data curation, I.A.;writing—original draft preparation, I.A.; writing—review and editing, I.A and T.Y.W.S.; supervision, T.Y.W.S. and S.R.M. All authors have read andagreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Ethics Declaration

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of the paper.

Acknowledgments

The author would like to express his deepest gratitude to the Education Fund Management Institute (LPDP) of the Republic of Indonesia.

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