2020 Volume 2020 Issue 61 Pages 118-138
In Indonesia, there have been major educational reforms linked to the professional development of teachers in efforts to improve the quality of teaching and learning. However, research suggests programs such as the “Teacher Certification Program” had no significant impact on teachers’ or students’ performance (Chang et al. 2013; Fahmi et al. 2011). As previous research has shown, there is often a gap between what educational reform intends and what happens in the reality of schools and classrooms. One of the causes is that there is a lack of consideration of underlying assumptions behind teachers’ practices, specifically, what they prioritize and consider as important in daily activities. Without understanding the dynamics of social interactions in schools, educational reforms inevitably fail to meet the realities in classrooms.
This paper examines a case in a Javanese junior high school and explores how the social accountability within a teachers’ community can discourage teachers from supporting student learning. While the challenge in transforming teachers’ practices in Indonesia is often attributed to a bureaucratic school culture, this only partially depicts the social dynamics of Indonesian schools. Based on data collected from fieldwork in a Javanese junior high school—Sari Junior High School—for seven months and data analysis using an ethnographic approach, this study examined the negotiation of accountability within a teachers’ community using the concept of “Teacher Strategies.” In developing the conceptual framework, the grounded-theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 1967) was used.
The study revealed that teachers owed strong accountability to fulfill their responsibilities as members of the patriarchy or “familism” (kekeluargaan) system. The familism system binds its members to protect community interests by fulfilling both bureaucratic (official) responsibilities and social (unofficial) responsibilities. As civil servants, the teachers of Sari Junior High School prioritized state-mandated tasks such as the implementation of School Programs and prioritized them as a collective responsibility. At the same time, the teachers in the Javanese school enjoyed a relaxing working environment under the patriarchy of the familism system. The teachers were protected by a boss (principal) who acted as a father who was responsible for “keeping his family-organization happy and harmonious” (Shiraishi 1997: 97). Thus, there was a strong force to protect community interests and to maintain the social hierarchy.
However, accountability to teaching and students were not structured under this collective responsibility of the familism system. In terms of teaching, teachers considered “the delivery of curriculum” for national exam preparation as their official responsibility; however, this was considered as an individual responsibility. Also, the responsibility to understand the curriculum rested on students and not teachers. While the teachers recognized “good teachers” as those who support students in understanding the curriculum, they also stated that everyone was merely “chasing the curriculum.” While very few teachers developed strategies to work with students, these teachers were considered as “exceptional.” The majority of teachers aligned their practice with minimum requirements to deliver the curriculum and preferred to employ didactic methods.
The conceptual framework of “Teacher Strategies” of Sari Junior High School revealed how teachers responded and negotiated contesting accountabilities under the familism system. Teachers were responsible for fulfilling (a) bureaucratic accountability and (b) social accountability. For both of these accountabilities, they have a choice of either prioritizing (i) individual interests or (ii) community interests. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)