民族學研究
Online ISSN : 2424-0508
契システムにみられるch'inhan-saiの分析 : 韓国全羅南道珍島における村落構造の一考察
伊藤 亜人
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ジャーナル フリー

1977 年 41 巻 4 号 p. 281-299

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The present paper discusses the village structure in contemporary rural Korea, primarily through the analysis of ch'inhan-sai (Korean friendship) on Which Kye system is based. I isolate roughly two separate fields or types of social relations which subsume most of the interactions of the people in the village. The first is with regard to kinship relations based on munjung (Korean lineage) membership and the ascribed status in it. In the village on which the data of this paper is based, there are two dominant munjung, It is apparent that the patrilineal principle, as well as seniority, has a great effect on the community structure. The second embraces the personal relationships people become involved in for the purpose of mutual assistance in daily life and during life crisis, by manipulating the personal interactions. The kye system and the ch'inhan-sai relation are of primary importance in this field. Generally speaking, the first social field regulated by the kinship system has been a major concern for many students, while the second has been given only secondary, residual meaning in the studies of the Korean community. The kye is the formal organization for activities of many kinds in this field ; preparing for a funeral or wedding ceremony, saving, approval of mutual intimacy, etc. The kye is, in general, organized by as few as lo members who are same in sex and generation, and observe the contractual principle of give-and-take. The kye is, therefore, a temporary organization, because it is broken up when all members are paid in equal, and its membership is not succeeded to, with only a few exceptions. The duration of each kye organization, therefore, depends primarily on the number of members ; the more members, the larger amount of funds one can get in case of need, in exchange for a small personal contribution, while the more risks he must run due to the longer duration. Among 94 households in the village concerned, more than 130 kyes of various kinds and durations are organized, overlapping in their memberships. A Kye is planned and organized by two or three core members intimate with each other in everyday life, and the rest are recruited from among their common, close friends. Ch'inhan-sai (friendship) can be achieved, only according to the context of explicit social principles ; seniority, segregation of sex, lineage membership. In this sense, the most intimate dyadic ch'inhan-sai is to be found between tonggap (set of the same age) , regardless of lineagemembership, is of special importance, and, in many cases, constitutes the longer-term commitment to join the common-interest activities, and also contributes to form a personal cell, while the primary ch'inhan-sai relation is, most commonly achieved between elders and youngers of the same generation, but of different lineage membership, on the ground that the latter follow the strict code of reverence for the former. Personal interaction to be found within the ch'inhan-sai is in contrast with the relation of kakkaun-sai (near relation) to be found between close kinsmen; ch'inhan-sai relation is informal, and can be manipulated by personal will, on the contrary, kakheun-sai relation is strictly regulated by the ascribed norms, according to the relative status, to be more explicit between close skinsmen, and in consequence, behavior is rather formal. Even within the same lineage, members of different segments of sub-divisions do not stand in kakkaun-sai, and can achieve relatively friendly and informal relation, in the situations kinship norms can be flexibly applied, especially through the middleman of different lineage, who is in ch'inhan-sai relation with both two.

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© 1977 日本文化人類学会
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