This paper examines the menace of sexual violence in Nigeria in relation to the socio-political violence that has plagued the nation. Engaging Fanon’s postulations on violence in his postcolonial theory as a framework, the paper examines the multidimensional phases of ‘rape’, especially rape of human body and socio-political rape in Nigeria as exemplified in Soji Cole’s Embers (2018). It identifies various socio-cultural and psychological myths surrounding the growing cases of sexual abuse in Nigeria and draws the connection between rape of human body and rape of human rights and its attendant consequences on Nigerian society. Hence, the paper contends that sexual violence as an offshoot of socio-political violence is associated with the contravention of democratic confidence reposed in the people at the helm of affairs by their subjects. While the paper finds infraction of trust in multifarious rape cases, it concludes that radical measures, including breaking of fear and silence, as well as appropriate prosecution of the offenders, should be taken in checkmating the menace and its attendant impact on Nigeria’s value system.

Yoruba proverbs are linguistic resources that are deployed by the Yoruba people to achieve certain communicative goals. Studies have investigated Yoruba proverbs from different points of view. Among the Yoruba, one of the functions of proverbs is that they are reserved for impoliteness and power in relational communication, and the choice of a Yoruba movie, King of Boys, underpins the analytical interest of this paper. Therefore, this paper examines set of Yoruba proverbs; which in this paper, is termed conflictive-motivated face-threatening Yoruba proverbs (CFYPs) in the movie. Jonathan Culpeper’s (1996) theory of impoliteness is adopted as the theoretical framework, and seven Yoruba proverbs that demonstrate instances of conflict are subjected to discourse interpretations. Analysis reveals that aspects of Yoruba proverbs that are sensitive to conflictive relational works in the movie are predominantly categorised as negative and positive impoliteness triggers. Negative impoliteness motivated CFYPs which are prevalently associated with wielding power are deployed as threats to life, while positive impoliteness induced CFYPs are employed to insult and criticise, especially by the less powerful. This paper concludes that there are CFYPs which are dependent on the exigencies to reinforce or weaken specific identities and socio-political norms or mis-norms within Yoruba socio-cultural milieu.

Ghana was unstable at independence in 1957 due to the posture of traditional rulers (hereafter, Chiefs): they resisted the structure of the state, and rivaled government by perceiving themselves as natural rulers and alternative agents of local government. Given that decentralization in such a context will devolve power to Chiefs as hostile actors, the first post-independent government dismantled the independence system of decentralization and centralized power. This strategy has left a constraining legacy on the decentralization agenda of the current Fourth Republic in terms of lax government commitment which most observers and development aid agencies judge to be the main hindrance to deepened decentralization and hence advocate for a change in government attitude. Using Mann’s notion of despotic power, this paper demonstrates that such advocacy suffers from normative universalism and thus unrealistic since due cognizance is not taken of the instrumentalist interests of government which is to attain, retain and expand power. Given this, a more realistic approach to deepening decentralization will require development aid agencies partnering with Chiefs to leverage their constitutionally guaranteed autonomy to be effective agents of local government. This will compel government to partner Chiefs for fear of losing popular support if they are seen to be hostile toward traditional leader’s empowerment of localities.

Land possession is not only vital for livelihood but also serves as symbol of social status, clan affiliation and succession among the Oromo. However, access to land, for both men and women, are now governed by two competing realms of ‘law’ in Oromia National Regional States (hereafter Oromia). On one hand, customary laws and norms still govern access to land including through land inheritance. On the other hand, people use (and sometimes misuse) state ‘laws’ to claim and inherit land in a manner contrary to the custom. This paper, based on case studies from different parts of Oromia, examines: (1) how women (making use of state-based laws) are actively seeking to inherit land from their parents in view of the increasing economic/livelihood values of land, (2) how women’s attempts to claim and inherit land from their family of origin is complicated by such structural factors as clan exogamy and settlement rules, and (3) how men are covertly attempting to gain access to land outside their clan territory through the overt agency of women.

The study explores the lived experiences of Ethiopian women migrants returned from the Middle East and Gulf countries. We employed the life history method to explore the lived experiences of return migrants. Semi-structured questions, specifically focusing on the study participants’ dreams and real experiences covering pre- and post-migration periods, were used to collect data. Findings of the study reveal the following: most of the study participants migrated to host countries after facing a crisis situation. Initially, they aspired to support their parents, secure a better life for their child, and save some money to the betterment of their future life. For most of them, the reality is quite different from their expectations. Living as migrant women, they were exposed to many challenges (e.g., heavy workloads, harassment, and rape) while they found very limited opportunities to fulfill their dreams. Despite this, however, obtaining good opportunities accompanied by migrants’ agency could enable returnees achieve betterment in terms of material possession and social status when they come back home as the story of one of the study participants demonstrated.

Studies by many literary and theatre scholars have demonstrated the relevance of Wole Soyinka’s plays to Africa’s sociopolitical realities. Nonetheless, sufficient critical attention has not been given to the relevance of Soyinka’s A Dance of the Forests (1973a) to the current sociopolitical situation in Africa. This study analyzes various themes of dystopia in Soyinka’s A Dance of the Forests and shows their relevance to the troubled condition of life in contemporary Africa. The study is premised on the idea that the significance of literary works, especially in Africa, goes beyond the period in which they are produced. Using postcolonial insights of Frantz Fanon and Homi Bhabha as a theoretical paradigm, the study contends that, although A Dance of the Forests is set against the background of Nigerian independence in 1960, the play’s representations of crises of governance are relevant to the socio-political upheavals in the 21st century Africa. While the play acknowledges the Western colonial factor, it demonstrates that political tyranny, social injustice, dehumanization, and other indices of dystopia prevalent in the continent predate as well as transcend Western colonialism. It shows that the state of dystopia in Africa has a link with the long-established culture of tyranny in the continent. The study shows that Soyinka’s A Dance of the Forests reveals that various African rulers (before and during colonialism, and after independence), together with their collaborators, within and outside the continent, support and implement dystopian policies which undermine the collective happiness of the ordinary people. By demonstrating that diverse elements of dystopia in Africa are not only generated by external factors but also deeply rooted in some aspects of Africa’s precolonial and post-independence leadership cultures, the playwright summons both African leaders and the led for critical self-examinations. The paper concludes that, rather than solutions from outsiders, Africans themselves should address the pervasive corruption and tyranny assailing their continent, and institute justice and equity in order to resolve its dystopian condition.

Triticale (×Triticosecale Wittmack), an intergeneric hybrid of wheat (Triticum spp.) and rye (Secale cereale), was introduced to Ethiopia in 1970 (Pinto 1974), while improved varieties of barley (Hordeum vulgare L.) and wheat were introduced in the 2000s. This paper explores the uses people have assigned to barley, wheat, and triticale in the current food culture in southern Ethiopia. The aim of this study is to analyze the factors that have contributed to the continued cultivation of barley and wheat landraces after the introduction of triticale. Barley, wheat, and triticale play an essential role as ingredients in daily meals as well as in feast meals. Two landraces of barley and one landrace of tetraploid wheat are currently grown in the area of study. Local people highly valued these landraces for their taste, market value, and short cultivation period. They have sustained the diverse food culture that existed before the introduction of triticale, despite changes in the frequency of meals and combination of ingredients. The continued cultivation and preference of landraces can be understood in terms of a combination of cultural, ecological, and economic conditions.

Enhancing food security among smallholder farmers has been the major goal of development intervention in Ethiopia. Thousands of development agents (DAs) have been assisting farmers to adopt new technologies and agricultural inputs to maximize production and productivity. Despite long-term and persistent efforts, however, still millions of people engaged in small scale farming are exposed to recurrent food insecurity. This article explores smallholders’ responses to food insecurity situations focusing on smallholder farmers in the Gamo highlands, south-western Ethiopia putting triticale, an alien cereal crop imported from abroad, and apple at the center of the argument. Smallholders adopted improved cereal crops and potato seeds promoted by development agencies more easily than planting apple as a cash crop because apple requires more land, especial skills and knowledge to manage it, and a long-term commitment to adequately benefit from its yields. On the other hand, smallholders adopted and indigenized triticale despite the anti-triticale campaign launched by agricultural experts in the study district. Smallholder farmers make decisions considering local circumstances and realities, sometimes putting aside prescriptions of agricultural experts and development agents.

Colonato de Cela, an agro-industrial project in Angola is a clear illustration of the interest of the state, both colonial and independent, in the development of rural areas that are not easily penetrated by state governance. It, along with a twin project, Colonato de Limpopo, in Mozambique, was one of the biggest development projects in the post-war period in the colonies of Portugal, which adopted the concept from Israeli agricultural settlement schemes. Portugal was not the only country to borrow the scheme from Israel, but also newly independent countries in Africa did. Active promotion of the scheme by the Israelis through diplomacy led to its wide acceptance, as did the urgent needs of the host countries and their recognition of Israel as a feasible model. By the time of 1973 Arab-Israeli War, these countries no longer accepted Israeli technical assistance. However, its spirit was revived in 2005 after the end of the civil war when the Angolan government inaugurated the Aldeia Nova project whose forerunner was Colonato de Cela in order to settle demobilised soldiers. Throughout the contemporary history of the development scheme transfer, this analysis shows that the practices of developmentalism by the state with independence or regime change easily supersedes the ideological differences.

Both private and public investors in Angola and Mozambique have been responsible for the growth and consolidation of major cities. In the countryside, recent private economic investments and new opportunities attracting population and settlement have contributed to the emergence and growth of smaller towns in rural areas. Emergent towns foster expectations of access to better urban living for migrants, who anticipate the transformation of new settlement areas with infrastructure and services being introduced over time; migrants tend to invest more in their permanence there. In both Angola and Mozambique, however, the expectations around emergent cities have been recently challenged by the economic crises, which began in 2014. The implications for residents include not only a reduction or cessation of access to revenues, but also the frustration of their expectations. Based on qualitative research conducted in Angola and Mozambique between 2015 and 2018, in a post-war, post-economic-boom context, this analysis describes the shifting trends of urban formation and consolidation in four towns and the changing perceptions of urbanism. The conclusion proposes that the state and its investments into the urbanisation of places constitute a key element for the consolidation and permanence of these settlements.

After the Angola war ended in 2002, particularly in eastern rural areas, many refugees who returned from Zambia through repatriation. However, studies have not clarified how the refugees called Mbunda people settled in a rural village and started new lives, forming relationships with people who went through diverse experiences under poor development facilities. Therefore, this study clarifies the returned farmers socio-economic stability as endogenous reintegration of the Mbunda people after their repatriation to post-war Angola. Since they returned, the Mbunda have been on the move, hosted by their kin, chiefs, and strangers who settled in rural villages by setting up their residential unit called limbo; they have sought the help of humanitarian organisation and national development programmes to settle and achieve autonomous food acquisition based on agriculture in rural villages. The returners also coexist with migrants and former soldiers with disabilities. Furthermore, when the Mbunda people returned, they relied heavily on the chief, who was educated in Portuguese, and an former MPLA soldier, who helped collaborate the national development in the rural area. Thus, this study clarifies that Mbunda reintegration has been characterised not by national frameworks but by the diversified social relationships among people who came from different backgrounds.