Stigma associated with schizophrenia has been found to negatively impact the communication a schizophrenic individual has with others in face-to-face interactions, but the negative effect on computer-mediated communication has not been fully explored. Four hundred and fourteen participants interacted with a hypothetical target on Facebook, who was believed to have either depression, schizophrenia, or a cavity (i.e., the control group). Results indicated that participants rejected the target labeled as schizophrenic more than the targets without mental illness or labeled as depressive. The mental illness stigma effect on rejection was partially mediated by a low predicted outcome value attached to the schizophrenic target. Further, the target with schizophrenia received more rejecting messages than accepting messages. However, there was not a significant difference between the frequency of rejecting messages and that of the accepting messages the depressed target received. Theoretical and practical contributions were considered.

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This study explores the status of democratic citizens or demos on the Saitama Times (ST), a local newspaper published in Honjo Town, Saitama Prefecture, Japan, in the early post-World War II period. The paper was published soon after a monumental town assembly with a mass of townspeople, which resolved that all violence should be expelled from the town, following a national press the Asahi Shimbun’s scandalous reports which disclosed that yakuza-related members hijacked town politics. Known as the Honjo Case of 1948, the Case was long recognized as a herald of new, democratic Japan. However, recent researches suggest that both the Asahi’s press campaign and the town assembly were first of all enabled by strong supports from the American Occupation Forces. Understanding that the ST fulfilled interesting democratic functions in the momentum of a democratic movement, this critical study investigates their rhetoric, exploring democratic ideals and types of citizenship the newspaper tried to instill into their readers. In so doing, the study first learns ideas of democracy and demos from contemporary political theorists. Second, the study reviews the Honjo Case and the ST. Third, the study argues that the idea of demos was well demonstrated on the ST, which, unlike the major national presses around this time, aimed at serving unique pedagogical and political functions. By these discussions, it suggests potential strategies with which democratic citizenship can raise and articulate itself with the larger political communities.

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“The Aida Makoto Retrospective” had been held at Mori Museum of Fine Arts, Tokyo, from November 2012 to March 2013. It had been well received by both main-stream media and art circles, while criticized as “hugely infringing on women’s dignity.” It, therefore, ignited classical yet not adequately resolved issues, and thus, caused a controversy; if those works are either pornography or art, and if those inherently cause violent effects on the minors and those who are vulnerable to those effects. Instead of choosing an answer within a given choice, this paper provides a context with the issues by bringing in “museum (of fine arts) as modern institutional medium” through which visibility and meanings of art works are put into effect. Through this analysis and criticism, the issues could be re-situated in such a way that the controversy does not necessarily favor a particular position, namely Art History. In addition, this paper argues that “pornography” has to be regarded as an effect of “museum as modern institutional medium,” complicit with Art History. Thus, a theoretical perspective, informed by this paper, attempts to offer a fresh insight at the issues, thereby allowing a critical moment to emerge for astute audience and critics to engage themselves in communicative praxis.

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This study aimed at filling a gap between two views of interpersonal conflict: sequences of conflict interactions and a situational approach. Assuming that negative reciprocity is a predominant pattern in conflict communication, this study investigated how a partner’s social status (high or equal), initial response messages (distributing or integrating), and self-construals affected sequences. Japanese university students (N = 246) rated scales of self-construals and conflict styles before and after reading a partner’s response in vignettes. The current study revealed three major findings. First, the partner’s message affected avoiding and third-party-help styles. After receiving distributing messages, the participants tended to decrease the level of avoiding style and increase the level of third-party-help style to a greater degree than the changes made when they received integrating messages. Second, the effects of social status and gender interacted with the avoiding style. Social status and gender affected general conflict styles: the higher the social status, the more third-party-help styles were used. The males tended to use more distributing and third-party-help styles than the females did. Third, both interdependent and independent self-construals affected general conflict styles: interdependent self was positively associated with avoiding, integrating, and third-party-help styles, while the independent self was a positive predictor of the distributing style. The results of this study have two implications for theories of interpersonal conflict. First, the current study can extend the situational appraisal framework of intercultural conflict to the realm of sequential conflict patterns. Second, this study showed initial evidence that situational and cultural factors might affect the relatively long sequential patterns of conflict exchanges. The findings provided evidence that the partner’s message, along with relational features such as social status and gender, and individual factors such as self-construals affected general conflict styles and their changes.

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お詫びと訂正（学会誌『日本コミュニケーション研究』） 『日本コミュニケーション研究』第45巻第1号の発行人氏名に誤記載がありました。 「日本コミュニケーション学会　会長　五島　幸一」が正確な発行人氏名です。 誤記載に関し、五島幸一氏と高永茂氏に深くお詫び申し上げます。

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