Considering the representation of Buddhist icons and the theoretical concepts underlying them is important in all topics making up the framework of Buddhist art. Buddhist imagery that was born in India eventually crossed the Himalayas, was carried through Central Asia and into China, and then introduced to Japan via the Korean peninsula. Beginning with Buddha, iconographical drawings sustained the representation of Buddhist art. While many issues such as faith and representation as well as worship and representation arose in India and elsewhere, until now comparative research has been carried out only fragmentarily on the relationship of Buddhist art to scriptures and regulations, and the diverse forms of history and culture have not yet been fully examined.
This study includes an analysis of the Sakyamuni triad, in which the main image is teaching (a situation in which Sakyamuni delivers a sermon, and people gather in front to listen). The form of the triad, with central icon flanked by left and right images, radiates power, and the domain of worship spreads accordingly, achieving a sense of balance. The objects of worship that unfold from this scene give birth to the mandala. Ultimately one becomes aware of a separate object of worship known as Besson Mandara among the multitudinous Buddhist iconographical images brought together in the mandala of two worlds (ryogai mandara). A comparison of changes in the iconography of the Besson Mandara with the Ryogai Mandara brought back by Kukai in 806 shows that special characteristics can be discerned through that one part of the structure. Therein the problem of Kantoku image lies; the evolution of worship is included. Several other issues in Japanese Buddhism, such as problems related to the Besson zakki, the Heian period books of esoteric iconographical drawings, and the iconograpical sketches at Ninnaji and Daigoji, as well as worship are critically examined.
Attempts are also made to historically distinguish the iconography in Buddhist art from ancient to medieval Buddhist times, revealing in great detail the intricate relationship of compositional design and theory in images, esoteric Buddhist implements, Mandara, illustrations of Sakyamuni's life, and so forth.

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The Sangokubiniden was written by Honsho-kongo, the 9th chief-monk of Entsu temple on Mt. Koya. In particular it describes the details of the restoration of the Shingonritsu in the Edo period and the sect's interpretation of the precepts. In those days the Betsuju (to receive precepts from other monks) had seldom been carried out, while the Tsuju-jisei (to pledge precepts by oneself) mainly had been in fashion. This stance to esteem becoming a monk properly through the Tsuju-jisei was based on the tradition of Shingonritsu. descended from Eison of Saidai temple. It is significant that in the three monasteries of the Shingonritsu (Saimyo temple, Jinpo temple, Yachu temple), the rules and precepts of the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya were observed strictly, and that the rule of Goge-eji (monastery-life for five years) was indispensable to be a independent monk.

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The ancient manuscript called Kanbo-sanjukko-hyobyaku (_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_) is owned by Kofuku-ji Temple. This manuscript was discovered by the author when investigating the function and character of Bodai-in Temple last year. Bodai-in Temple is one of the branches of Kofuku-ji. This ancient manuscript had not been studied yet. The ‘Kanbo-sanjukko’ (_??__??__??__??__??_) is one of the religious meetings held by Kofuku-ji. Priests were educated there. But, the manuscript has an endorsement written in the Edo period. Therefore it is rather difficult to get exact knowledge of the meetings held in ancient times. However, I believe that this manuscript can contribute to the clarification of the nature of the varieties of meetings in Kofuku-ji.

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In this paper, I study Eison's _??__??_ (1201-1290) understanding of the precepts on the basis of writings by three people: Genrin _??__??_ (1278-87), Josen _??__??_ (1273-1310-), and Eishin _??__??_ (1263-1310-) who belonged to the Eison lineage. Eison's understanding of the precepts will be consolidated in the following points. (1) Laymen who receive precepts through Betsuju _??__??_ are permitted to divide them and observe some of them and/or to delimit time to observe some of them. (2) Even if laymen violate precepts, those who receive precepts through Tsuju _??__??_ are guiltless. (3) For Buddhist priests, the working of avijñapti (kaiai) is strengthened because priests who receive the precepts through tsuju swear to live as bodhisattvas. However, the same crime as the Hinayana is applied when precepts are violated. As mentioned above, Eison reformed the understanding of the precepts for people with a weak relation to Buddhism, in order to to construct the system that gives the people precepts by priests who are bodhisattvas, and makes laymen's Buddhism more acceptable to them.

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The theory of Identity between the Five Secrets and the Five Sacreds ‘Gohimitsu gosho to dotaisetsu _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_’ was described in the Kegon bukko zanmaikan hihozo _??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ volume two written by Myoebo Koben _??__??__??__??__??_ (1173-1232)in his later life. According to that theory, the five saints, ‘Gosho _??__??_, ’ Mañjusri, Samantabhadra, Maitreya, Avalokitesvara and Vairocana, originating in the Avatamsaka sutra, and the five secret worthies, ‘Gohimitsuson _??__??__??__??_, ’ of Esoteric Buddhism are essentially identical. When Myoe of the ‘Gohimitsu’ is studied, it turns out that Myoe had a keen interest in ‘Gohimitsuho _??__??__??__??_’ from an early stage. He set up in the Hihozo the Gosho theory that he developed from the ‘Sansheng yuanrong’ theory _??__??__??__??__??_ of Li Tongxuan _??__??__??_ (635-730). And he insisted that ‘Gosho’ is the same as ‘Gohimitsu’ in the point that both take great wisdom and great compassion as their essence. However, ‘Gosho’ and ‘Gohimitsu’ are not equal in their mutual relationship but ‘Gosho’ of Huayan is included in ‘Gohimitsu, ’ not vice versa. In this paper, the place of Esoteric Buddhist doctrine in Myoe's thought is considered by examining the ‘Dotaisetsu’ described in the Hihozo.

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Priest Ryuko_??__??_'s tombstone is found in the following four places. (1) Toshodai-ji _??__??__??__??_, (2) Muro-ji _??__??__??_, (3) Otokuni-dera _??__??__??_, (4) the ruined Chosho-ji _??__??__??__??_. We can add (5) the ruined Tsubo-ji _??__??__??__??_ to this list.
It is said that the Tsubo-ji which existed at Tsuboi _??__??_ in Kawachi _??__??__??_ began with an inn constructed in 1020 by Minamotono Yorinobu _??__??__??_, fourth son of Tada Mitsunaka _??__??__??__??_ and with the birth of his son Yoriyoshi _??__??_, his first son Yoshiie _??__??_, his second son Yoshitsuna _??__??_ and his third son Yoshimitsu _??__??_ it became the base of the main line of the Kawachi Genji _??__??__??__??_, with its main image a thousand-armed Kannon _??__??__??__??_, which Yorinobu _??__??_ obtained on his way to a hunt. This is the origin of this temple in 1043 with the establishment of a Kannon-do _??__??__??_ on the south side in his residence. After his retirement Yoriyoshi _??__??_ became a monk and established the Tsubo-ji. This place preserves the 3 tombstones of Yorinobu _??__??_, Yoriyoshi _??__??_ and Yoshiie _??__??_. But, there is a description of Yoshiie's _??__??_ fifth son Yoshitoki _??__??_ worshipping the souls of the aforementioned three generations, and establishing the Tsuboi-jinja _??__??__??__??_ in 1109, and establishing the Tsubo-ji in 1048 as the family memorial temple. If the latter date were closer to the former, it would be more pursuaslve.
After that, three times it was burned in war. In more recent times it became the memorial temple of the Tokugawa _??__??_ clan founders, being rebuilt in the Genroku _??__??_ period (late 17th c.), the efforts of the Priest Ryuko _??__??_ being especially important.
However, with the shogunate's collapse, this temple too became weak, In 1871 the temple lands were confiscated, and in 1873 the temple was abandoned to ruin, the buildings completely destroyed. The present-day gate and bell-tower are post-World War II restorations.
At present there exists a Tsuboi-dera _??__??__??_, but this has no relation at all with Tsubo-ji.
On September 3, 1514 in the Tsubo-ji, Shogu _??__??_ received the name Yugya _??__??_ from the twenty-second Yugyo, Igyo _??__??_, becoming the twenty-third Yugyo. In other words, at this time this was a temple of the Yugyo Jishu sect _??__??_.
According to legend, Shinran's _??__??_ mother was the daughter of Minamotono Yoshiie's _??__??__??_ legitimate son Yoshichika _??__??_. There is a strange story which was created in recent times that it is possible she was born in the extension at Tsubo-ji. It is said that Yoshichika committed murder and mayhem hither and yon until subdued in January 1108 by Taira no Masamori _??__??__??_, grandfather of Taira no Kiyomori _??__??__??_. If we suppose this daughter was born in 1108, since Shinran was born in 1173, her mother would have given birth at age 65.

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Sati is a daughter of Daksa and a wife of Siva. Daksa celebrated a festival of sacrifice, but did not invite Sati or Siva. Hence, she was racked with grief and perished by throwing herself into a fire. The gods hacked to pieces her dead body. The fragments of her dead body fell down everywhere. Those places, in which many goddesses were born, have been called Sakta-pltha. The legend of Sati is an important myth that explains the origin of Sakta-pithas. Moreover the legend is related to the custom of widow suicide in Hindu society.
How is Sati described in the Kalika-purana which was composed to spread Sakti's worship? In this paper I address two points, the birth and the death of Sati.

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The Harisenacariu (Skt. Harisenacarita) is an example of Apabhramsa narrative literature and Harisena is one of the twelve Cakravartins in the Sixty-three Jain Great Men (Salaka/Maha-purusas). Though the Jain features of the cakravartin basically correspond with Buddhist ideas, there are various differences. Particularly, the Buddhist cakravartins are the sovereign of this world to the end, the Jain cakravartins renounce worldly pleasures and enter nirvana; the last (fourth) chapter of the Harisenacariu describes it in detail.
Some Jain Ramayana texts contain the biography of Harisena. To locate the Harisenacariu in the tradition of Jain Ramayanas, the story of Harisena is comparable with the Paumacariya, the Padmapurana, the Paumacariu and the Trisastisalakapurusacarita. According to V. M. Kulkarni, the Paumacariya is the oldest and divided into three branches. Among them, the Padmapurana resembles the Harisenacariu in plot. However, the Paumacariu simplifies Harisena's story.
Although Harisenacariu has many rhetorical expressions and the Trisastisalaka-purusacarita abounds with them, these are different from each other both in plot and proper names.
We can conclude that the Harisenacariu belongs to the Padmapurana branch, not derived from the Paumacariu, and that there is no direct connection with the Trisastisalakapurusacarita.

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A palm leaf manuscript of the Oriya Mahabharata written by the famous Oriya poet Sudramuni Srisaraladasa of the mid 15^th c. was transmitted to Tsusima-cho of Ehime prefecture in Japan during the 18^th century A. D. It ia ssumed that the manuscript was transcribed in the beginning of the 17^th c. It was written in the medieval Oriya language using the medieval Oriya script except the invocation to Lord Ganesa, which is in Sanskrit. It consists of 221 leaves (transcribed on both sides), a few blank leaves and a bamboo cover. In the beginning and the end of the manuscript it mentions clearly that it is the first part of the Aranyakaparba of the Mahabharata. It is a typical manuscript of Orissa, an Eastern state in India. The most interesting point to note is that it is not just an Oriya translation of the Sanskrit Mahabharata, but is an Oriya version of it. Since 2001, I have been working on its romanized edition and Japanese translation along with Mr. Nobuyuki Kashiwahara and Prof. Hojun Nagasaki as the chief. A new relationship between Orissa and Japan is expected to be explored from the research of this manuscript.

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The Vedic pronominal adverbs átas and átra have often been assigned to the paradigm of idám, the pronoun of proximal deixis. It is not possible, however, always to understand them in the sense of ‘from here’ and ‘here’. The Vedic pronominal system is constituted by three pronouns of contextual reference (sá-/tá, esá-/etá-, ena-/a-) and two pronouns that refer to space (proximal idám, distal adás). The adverbs tátas and tátra belong to the paradigm of sá-tá-; itás and iha to that of idám; amútas and amútra to that of adás. But esá-/etá- and ena-/a- are without formally corresponding ablative and locative adverbs. On the other hand, átas and átra must have their proper place somewhere in the pronominal system.
A survey of all the 61 examples for átas (26) and átra (35) in the MaitrayaniSamhita has led to the following result: The sentences including átas and átra often play the same role as the sentences with the ‘anamnestic’ pronoun esa-/eta-. Typically, they give the reason of a contextually evident ritual act.In many átra examples (26 of 35), no preceding noun is found to which the adverb could refer, and a meaning ‘in this (ritual) situation (evident from the context)’ is strongly suggested. One example of átas refers to something that is not explicitly mentioned by a preceding noun, but can be understood from the context. This particular usage is reminiscent of the way in which ena-/a-is used. This usage will be discussed as a case of ‘anaphoric-associative’ reference.

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Little attention has been paid to the meaning of sam-sarj/srj when the verb is used with the accusative only. But there are a few points that should be considered.
In the context of stock farming or war, sam-sarj/srj governing only the accusative means ‘to gather cattle (as booty)’ [MS IV 2, 10:33, 1ff^p; RV X 27, 10]. The meaning of sámsrsta- dhána- and samsrj- in RV X 84, 7 should be understood in this sense. PW assumes the meaning of ‘schaffen’ in SvetU III 2. But it can be translated as ‘to gather (all beings).’
In the RV and AV, sam-sarj/srj with yúdhas, pl. acc. fem. of yúdh- ‘war’ is found. Yúdhas sam-sarj/srj ‘to get wars together’ can be understood as ‘tobring wars to a conclusion.’
sam-sarj/srj takes only sg. acc. tát in MS IV 5, 9:77, 7^p+ tán ná sámasrjata.The meaning is a little altered: ‘He didn't deliver it (i. e. his own acquisition) up.’

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The first chapter of the Yajurveda-Samhitas (YS) consists of the mantra collections for isti, the fundamental of which is practically to be understood as the new and full moon sacrifice (Darsapurnamasa). Every YS has the section «Grazing» as its opening. This is the ritual procedures of the so called Upavasatha day, the preceding day of chief offerings are made. There was probably not an exclusive place for the pasture, but the grazing land seems to have been áranya- (a wilderness), the place where no one has his own claim.
In this paper, I examine closely the four mantras in this section and the correspondent brahmanas. The mantras are recited for the safety and fertility of the cow grazing in aranya. Comparing the mantras with Rgveda VI 28, 7, which has parallel phrases, we can see an aspect of the nomadic life and trace its change in the Aryan society. It enables us also to confirm how the YV texts were gradually produced and codified.

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The paper focuses on the opening pada in the Atharvaveda-Samhita of the Saunakiya recension (AVS) XIII 2, 2. Former studies see the word form of prajñánam as a problem. Whitney notes (following PW and Henry) that the reading of the Paippalada recension (AVP) prajñanam is more plausible. prajñanam, however, is supported by only secondary MSS. It is also necessary to examine the verb svaráyantam in its meaning and with regard to case government.
AVS prajñánam is presumed to be a gen. pl. of adj. prajñá-, and qualifies disám. AVP prajñanam is acc. (Inhaltsakkusativ) sg. of the action noun n. prajñana- in the meaning of ‘signpost’. This meaning is attested in Vedic and in Pali paññana- ‘sign’. The participle svaráyantam is derived from svaráyati ‘sounds’. The previous interpretation “shining” on the assumption that the word is a denominative from n. svár- is to be abandoned on morphological grounds. The verb-root svar does not exit in the meaning ‘to shine’.
The translation would be: ‘(the sun) sounding for the foreknowing directions with [his] flame…’. The directions foreknow (pra-jña) each of their own positions to be located by the sound that the flame of the sun makes, and play the role of the signpost for the flying sun. This motif is succeeded by the Yajurvedic prose, and bears the background which explains the location between devas and azimuths.

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On the origin of Pali thina-middha-(BHS styana-middha-) and Amg. thinagiddhi-/thinaddhi- (Jaina-Skt. styana-grddhi-/styana-rddhi-) the view of Edgerton still prevails: “they go back to OI. *styana-+rddhi-/rddha- ‘increase of languor’ [=Jaina-Skt. styana-rddhi-]> MI. *thina-iddhi-/iddha-; Pali thinam-iddha- with a ‘hiatus-bridging’ m was misunderstood as thina-+middha-; the artificial word middha- has no different sense from that of thina (middha)-”. This theory contradicts our philological research: 1) since the early stage of the Pali Canon (Gatha), middha- and its derivative middhin- are used as simplex with a different meaning from thina-; 2) Amg. thinagiddhi/thinaddhi- is attested only in enumerations of technical terms and is evidently younger than Pali middha-.
Pa. (=BHS) middha- nt. ‘drowsiness, doze’ is supposed to have developed from ved. mrdhrá- (RV+) nt. ‘fatigue, decrease of activity, etc.’, adj. ‘tired, inactive, negligent, etc.’ as well as p. p. mrddhá- (Br.). For want of sleep, monks and nuns were annoyed by sleepiness and doze especially during jhana- (dhyana-) ‘sitting meditation’, which caused a specialization of the sense of middha-. On the other hand, thina- (<*stina-; cf. Skt. adj. styana- ‘coagulated, stagnant’) was used as a nt. noun ‘stagnation/inactivity of mental function (citta-), depression’ esp. with regard to the meditation. As a hindrance to meditation, thina- and middha- combined into a dvandva-compound thina-middha-, rendered styana-middha- in BHS. In the course of time, the sense of the compound was simplified to ‘doze, sitting or walking sleep’ and the beginning consonant of middha- became obscure. Probably in this period, thina-middha- with its synonyms nidda- and pacalayika- was introduced into Jainism, composing a part of Darsanavaraniya-Karman. Contrary to Edgerton's theory, m in middha- was removed to build Amg. thinaddhi- (Jaina-Skt. styana-rddhi-) or replaced with g (under association with giddhi- ‘greed’) to bring forth thinagiddhi- (styana-grddhi-). Since the original sense of middha- ‘sitting sleep’ or ‘walking sleep’ was allotted to payala- (pacala-) and payala-payala (pacalapacala-), thinaddhi-/thinagiddhi- was reinterpreted as ‘action in sleep, somnambulism, etc.’.

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As is well known, Buddhism and Jainism share many common elements in their phraseology. The subject has been often investigated. For an investigation of the close parallels which can be traced between Pali and Ardhamagadhi texts, see H. Nakamura, “Common Elements in Early Jain and Buddhist Literature”, in Indologica Taurinensia vol. XI (1983), pp. 302-330 (Proceedings of the International Symposium on Jaina Canonical and Narrative Literature. Strasbourg, 16th-19th June 1981); K. Mizuno, “Hokkukyo no kenkyu” Shunjusha Tokyo, 1981.; W. B. Bollé, “Reverse Index of the Dhammapada, Suttanipata, Theragatha and Therigatha Padas with Parallels from Ayaranga, Suyagada, Uttarajjhaya, Dasaveyaliya and Isibhasiyaim”, Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik, Monographie 8, Reinbek 1983; C. Caillat, “Jainology in Western Publications II”, in Jain Studies in Honour of J. Deleu, ed. by R. Smet and K. Watanabe. Tokyo, 1993, especially pp. 50-51. In this small paper, I would like to indicate comparable passages which seem to have been overlooked so far.

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In connection with the first condition of hetu (logical reason) some classical Chinese and Japanese treatises dealing with Buddhist logic refer to an opponent who argues that every paksa-dharma necessarily pervades the paksa and there cannot be a paksa-dharma that exists only in a part of the paksa. Logically speaking, however, the position of the opponent, it seems to me, can be that of Dignaga. In order to understand the position, the present paper proposes a mass interpretation, according to which the paksa is considered to be a mass of a certain kind of substance designated by a mass term such as “a cup of blue water”, and the paksa-dharma is considered a property of the mass, such as “blue”.

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Dignaga established the doctrine of self-awareness of knowledge (svasamvedana) on the assumption that remembrance has for its objects the object which was perceived before and its perception itself which occurred before. The masters of the Pratyabhijña school, Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta, criticize this assumption in their works, the Isvarapratyabhijñakarika and the Isvarapratyabhijñavimarsini. According to this school, granted that there appears the former perception of an object in remembrance, it does not appear there as an object. If it did, there would occur contradiction with the doctrine of self-awareness of knowledge. For, theoretically speaking, perception cannot be cognized by another cognition.
According to the Pratyabhijña school, however, in remembrance the former perception appears in the form of ‘I perceived’ (aham anvabhuvam). This indicates that in remembrance the former perception appears as resting on the self (atman) which is self-luminous (svaprakasa), that is, as not separate from the self. Thus, for the Pratyabhijña school, the doctrine of self-awareness of knowledge should be founded on the theory that any knowledge is never separated from the self which is self-luminous. In the view of this school, Buddhist epistemologists, who hold the doctrine of non-self, could not introduce remembrance as evidence in order to sufficiently establish the doctrine of self-awareness of knowledge.

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In the Abhidharmakosabhasya a dharma in the highest reality (paramarthatas) exists as substance (dravyatas), but not as a virtual thing (prajñaptitas). This dharma as substance must exist in the following two complemental conditions: 1) to be a separate single thing, and 2) to be an indivisible thing. When it is recognized that a dharma exists as substance, the expression “the svabhava of a dharma” is equivalent to the expression “the dharma itself”. At least for the Sarvastivadins, the svabhava does not exist separately from its dharma. In other words the svabhava is not any separate object that belongs to the dharma, or one of the constituents of the dharma. The svabhava is just a concept that represents, in the system of Sarvastivada dogmatic ontology, the identity of its dharma and dharma's basis for real existence.

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At present we do not have a clear understanding of the historical process through which the existing Vinaya materials came into being. One of the most noteworthy points in this field is the difference in structure between Theravada Vinayas and the Mahasamghika Vinaya. It is thought that the compilation process of the Vinaya may be clarified by explaining the reason for this difference. On this point, scholars such as Frauwallner, Hirakawa, Yinshun, Clarke and myself have presented various theories. Clarke's theory, the most recent addition to the discussion, rejects the thesis of Frauwallner's famous work. If Clarke's criticisms are correct, then his interpretation is a revolutionary contribution to the study of the Vinaya. However, there is a serious logical contradiction in Clarke's theory, and therefore Frauwallner's theory cannot be dismissed. In this article, I will outline these past theories and point out the problems in Clarke's work.

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If external objects did not exist, then how is it that one state of consciousness is not limited to just one person but experienced by many alike, so that a number of people see the same thing at a given place and time? This is one of the serious objections raised by realists against the Yogacara idealistic doctrine, mentioned by Vasubandhu in his Vimsatika. According to Prajñakaragupta, however, irrespective of whether external objects exist or not, one has to clear up the basic question whether we can say that others see the same thing as we see.
Sautrantikas argue: When others have symptoms such as the bristling of the hair of the body, we, seeing them, infer that others experience emotions such as joy and hence that others also see the same thing as we see. In order to reject this view of the Sautrantikas, Prajñakaragupta puts them into a dilemma. If they argue that others who are seen to have the bristling of the hair of the body are known to see the same thing as we see, then they have to accept the undesirable consequence that the joy experienced by others is not distinguished from that experienced by us. If, on the other hand, they want to avoid this consequence ensuing, then they have to accept that the thing others see and which gives them joy is different from the thing we see and brings us joy, that is, that others cannot see the same thing as we see.
According to Prajñakaragupta, in addition, any verbal act of others also cannot serve as evidence to show that others see the same thing as we see. For, we cannot perceive other minds. We cannot be perceptually aware that others see the same thing as we see, which is illustrated by the fact that two persons, who are afflicted by eye-disease (taimirika), cannot help each other. For Prajñakaragupta, even if two persons can speak of the existence of the external object, it is as if the two persons who are afflicted by eye-disease speak of the double moon.
Thus Prajñakaragupta's answer to the basic question mentioned above is: We cannot establish that others see the same thing as we see.

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Non-canonical Jataka-stories, called the Paññasa-jataka (fifty-jataka), spread throughout various regions of Southeast Asia. We have made a working edition of the Paññasa-jataka handed down in Thailand and have made a translation of it into Japanese by examining some palm leaf manuscripts. At the same time, we have made a comparative study with the Burmese edition presented by P. S. Jaini (Zimme Paññasa).
The Sutadhanu-jataka of the Paññasa-jataka recounts the adventures of Prince Sudhanu, who is a Bodhisatta, and his wife Cirappabha. The first chapter of the past story in the Sutadhanu-jataka is the topic of this article. We can find the influence of various cultures there. Moreover, there are many parallel passages between the Thai and the Burmese versions, and both have a gatha in common. This seems to show that there was some interchange between two versions, though we can not determine the original of this story.

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Free and lively discussions took place among philosophers and controversialists in central India at the time of the Buddha.
The Eternalist view (sassata-ditthi), the Annihilationist view (uccheda-ditthi) and the Fatalist view of the uncaused condition of existence (ahetuka-ditthi) are most famous of the various heretical views mentioned in early Buddhist literature.
How did the Buddhists criticize these heretical views, especially from the viewpoint of the doctrine of paticca-samuppada? They advocated the doctrine of paticca-samuppada which teaches the origin and cessation of dharmas based on causes and conditions.
The Buddhists emphasized the correctness of the theory, placing themselves in a logical position. On the other hand, they criticized heretical views, presenting them as sensational by asserting the doctrine of paticcasamuppada: that [heretical view] is conditioned by contact [between organs of sense and the object] (Digha-Nikaya Brahmajdla-sutta; Samyutta-Nikaya, XII 24 Aññatitthiya, 25 Bhumija).
This Buddhist attitude to heretical views is also seen in the Sutta-nipata, the Kalahavivada-sutta, one of the earliest works of Buddhist literature, which expounds that a man makes his decisions in the world after seeing becoming and not-becoming in forms, and that the idea of becoming and not-bccoming is produced through contact.

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The term utsutra, referring to a deviation from sutra, is used only five times in the Abhidharmakosabhasya (hereafter AKBh) in the following order: (1) AKBh 13.25 ad AK I, 20ab, (2) AKBh 136.17 ad AK III, 25a-28a, (3) AKBh 215.17, 18 ad AK IV, 31a-c, (4) AKBh 333.3 ad AK VI, 3a-d, (5) AKBh 464.10 (cf. s. v. utsutra in the Index to the AKBh). In cases (1), (3), (4), and (5), Vasubandhu himself points out that the opponent's arguments deviate from sutra, while in case (2) the Sautrantikas do so. The sutra referenced in the latter case (2) is given the title of the Pratityasamutpadasutra by Sanghabhadra. Vasubandhu makes no mention of a sutra-title except the Mahanamasutra in case (3).
All sutra-phrases quoted in cases (1) (2) (3) (5), including the still unidentified case (4), are transmitted agama-phrases from the Chinese Samyukta-Agama. Furthermore, the method of Pratikapatha in case (2) is not accompanied with the ordinary expression for a sutra-quotation—sutra uktam—, and takes the tactic of explaining the reason as being that the full explanation is given in the sutra [in itself] in another way (sutra 'nyatha nirdesat). We find such stock phrases representing the standpoint of the Vaibhasikas only in the context of cases (2) and (4), i. e. abhiprayikah sutre, laksaniko 'bhidharmahh and/or abhiprayikah sutresu nirdeso, laksanikas tv abhidharme. In this paper, I would like to elucidate the specific nature of the sutra here, esp. in the case of (2).

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The *Sadparamita-samgraha-sutra (Sp) which is one of the stories of past lives of the Buddha distributes 91 stories to the Six Paramitas. The Sadaprarudita bodhisattva story (No. 81) in it is placed in the chapter of meditation. The Prajñaparamita-sutras (Pp) have the same kind of stories. In this paper I concentrate on the Sp. I investigate whether Sp is older than Pp with regard to the bodily features of a buddha.
In Sp, buddha was purplish gold, the back of his head emitted rays of light, and his face looked like a full moon.
But in Pp, buddha had the 32 physical characteristics and the 80 minor physical marks. They were the vocabulary which everyone had already understood.
The 32 physical characteristics and the 80 minor physical marks are variously listed. For example, ‘full moon face’ was added to the 32 physical characteristics in a later period.
Therefore, the Sadaprarudita story in Sp was written earlier than that in the Prajñaparamita-sutras.

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The charm and power of the Lotus Sutra is found in the fact that it entrusts the task of personal and societal benefit to human beings themselves. Yet, why would the Sutra propose to do this if these same human beings are people who are not buddhas, and who are constantly misled by their own in tentions and desires?
The Sutra's ideal concept, as seen in from the perspective of the Buddha, is that the whole human life situation, i. e., physical and social matters as well as spiritual ones, can be changed or improved through development of their own awareness and subsequent reformation of their spritual condition. However, if one takes the compilers of the sutra to be the actual authors of the explanation, the contents of the sutra can be seen as an aggressive criticism of those who hold views opposing those of the followers of this sutra. The correct reading can be grasped through a comprehensive understanding of the entire text.
The final repetition of its admonition to humanity reflects the actual condition of human society during the time of the compilation of the text. The condition is all the same in our modern society. The value and importance of the sutra's perspective is underlined through its premise that human beings possess a basic and essential nature of goodness, and that, through their own actions and attitudes, they can engineer the improvement of themselves and their society.

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As pointed out by recent studies such as Funayama [2000] etc., Sakyabuddhi, commenting on PVSV ad PV I. 169, offers a three-fold interpretation of the word anyapoha or “exclusion of others”. However, it remains untouched in what context he presents this interpretation. The aim of this paper is to clarify how Sakyabuddhi's interpretation is connected with the Samkhya school's objection which Dharmakirti rebuts in PV I. 169. In my view, Sakyabuddhi presents the three-fold interpretation of anyapoha for the sake of protection against the Samkhya's objection. In PV I. 167'cd ff. Dharmakirti criticizes the universal which the Samkhya school defines as external, eternal and non-different from individuals. According to Dharmakirti, the following faults would occur: 1) all individuals arise or disappear simultaneously; 2) if the rebutter doesn't consent to it, the universal must be admitted as different from individuals; and 3) as the universal and individuals are different, one can never define the relation between the universal and individuals. Against this, the Samkhya school accuses the Apoha theory of committing the same faults. Commenting on Dharmakirti's reply to this objection, Sakyabuddhi offers his three-fold interpretation, whereby Sakyahuddhi suggests that anyapoha, if considered to consist in an external object or in an internal consciousness, should not be regarded as something perdurable.

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In the Dirgha-agama manuscript recently discovered in Gilgit, the Tridandi-sutra forms the first text of the last section named Silaskandhika. Up to now its existence was only known indirectly from quotations such as in the Abhidharmakosavyakhya by Yasomitra and the Abhidharmakosatika Upaika by Samathadeva. However, no sutra connected with the name Tridandin is found in Pali or in Chinese and Tibetan translations. I briefly report on the contents of this new sutra along with the second text, the Piingalatreya-sutra, which has a similar contents as the Tridandi-sutra, and on their position in the Dirgha-agama of the Sarvastivadin_Buddhist order. I also point out the similarity in structure of the Tridandi-sutra, as well as the Pingalatreya-sutra, with two Pali sutras, and speculate that they may have derived from a single source.

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The purpose of the Mulamadhyamakakarika is to declare nihsvabhavata. For this purpose, Nagarjuna reveals the opponents' contradictions throughvarious means, and proves nihsvabhavata. There are “five types of quest” in his argument. The “five types of quest” adds a denial of difference to the argumentation against wrong views found in Early Buddhism, and leads to the establishment of nihsvabhavata. This paper will show how the way of the argument developed to the “five types of quest” from Early Buddhism's formulation.

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Nissaggiya 28 has been translated and understood inappropriately by using the commentaries' explanations. In commentaries, the difficult word in the text kattikatemasipunnama is explained as the full-moon of the first kattika (pathamakattika-), that is, the third month [of the earlier rain-retreat (vassa-)]. Rhys Davids--Oldenberg, Horner, and Akira Hirakawa follow this explanation. They translate and explain Niss. 28 as a rule which allows monks to accept the robe as a special gift (nt. accekacivara-) ten days before the end of the earlier vassa-, and to keep it up until the robe-season (in text yava civarakalasamayam during the robe season!). The word kattikatemasipunnama, however, means the full-moon of kattika, the third month [of the rain-retreat (vassa-)], that is, the full-moon at the end of the later rain-retreat.
Nissaggiya 28 applies to the monks who are spending the later vassa-. For example, when a layman who is going to start a journey or going to war wants to give [a robe as] the “gift for the rain-retreat” (nt. vassavasika-) urgently, by applying this rule the monks can accept the robe as a special gift (nt. accekacivara-) during the last ten days of the later vassa-, and keep it up during the robe-period (yava civarakalasamayam). The period of the last ten days is supposed to be fixed in order to follow the ordinary time limit for keeping a surplus robe (Nissaggiya 1) and for making a robe (Nissaggiya 3). And, this period is appropriate for the climate as well. The purpose of this rule is to make it possible to accept and to keep up the gift for the rain-retreat in appropriate time and period, which should be attained after the vassa- in principle. This rule is supposed to be enacted on condition that the monks generally make robes after spending the period of the vassa-.

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The Abhisamayalamkara lists the 173 aspects in its fourth chapter. “Aspects” or akaras are the key concept of the text, and are the objects to be realizedin the process of abhisamaya or intuition according to Haribhadra's commentary. Some Tibetan teachers introduce to their commentary the terms don rnam and shes ream, and define the 173 aspects as the shes ream (subjective aspects) of the 3 kinds of Omniscience.

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Panini-sutra 3.1.95-132 prescribes krtya-suffixes: tavya, tavyaT, aniyaR, yaT, KyaP, NyaT. In 3.1.123, Panini enumerates 17 gerundives, which are taught as Vedic forms (chandas-). This sutra is especially important to consider the question: what Vedic texts did he exploit? It has been researched by P. Thieme, and yet there is room to reconsider his conclusion.
The term chandas- seems to be used in two senses. One is ‘Samhita’, the other ‘archaic language’ as opposed to bhasa- ‘common speech’. It is note-worthy that some gerundives enumerated in 3.1.123 are found only in Brahmana and Sutra literature. e. g. stárya- ‘to be laid low’ SB, unniyam ‘upwards’ SankhGS, and khanya- ‘to be dug’ LatySS-DrahySS. If the assumption that Panini quoted khanya- from LatySS-DrahySS is correct, it follows that chandas- also covers Vedic usages which sometimes appear in Sutra literature.
“...staryadhvarya...” in 3.1.123 should be interpreted as starya- + adhvarya-, and stárya- occurs only in SB. According to Thieme, starya- was abstracted from astarya- MS I 5.10:78, 11 on account of its irregular accent (cf. 6.2.160). But stárya- must have been taught by Panini as a Vedic word assuch, or an exception to 3.1.124: *starya-. Therefore, the question whether Panini knew the White Yajurveda needs to be further discussed.

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There have been three main etymological explanations of the important term ‘paramita’ in the Prajñaparamita literature among scholars, ancient and modern.
(1) param+i (<√i)+ta [to go to the further shore]
(2a) param+ita (pp.<√i)+ta; (2b) param+ita (pp.<√i)>f. [gone to, arrived at, reached the further shore]
(3a) parami (f.<parama)+ta; (3b) parami (<parama+in)+ta [highest state, perfection, completeness]
But such all meanings are not suitable for the Prajñaparamita's context. According to the Astasahasrika PP, ‘prajña-paramita’ is ‘mahayana’ which is a huge vessel leaving here for the goal. Therefore paramita indicates having the process to go through, and is not concerned with the goal only. The above meanings of ‘paramita’, (2) and (3), seem without any application to the real ‘paramita’ in that context.
In the Mahaprajñaparamitasastra (_??__??__??__??_) there is the etymology, _??__??_ (para)+_??_ (mi [-ta]). This is probably [para+mi (<√ma, to measure; to pass over)+ta]. [para+mi] is a vessel (ship) for passing over to the further shore. And according to Paramartha's (_??__??_) translation of the Abhidharmakosabhasya, [-ta] of ‘paramita’ seems a collective suffix [Panini, 4·2·43], not an abstract suffix.
Then ‘paramita’ must be a fleet of vessels passing over to the further shore, and in the context of the six paramitas (dana- p°. etc.) ‘paramita’ is a metaphor for the six from ‘dana’ to ‘prajña’.

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This paper aims to clarify some particulars of early Abhidharma Buddhism based on a consideration of the synonyms of atman. Vasubandhu states in the Abhidharmakosabhasya that the atman is equated with pudgala, jiva, sattva, etc. In the early stage of Abhidharma Buddhism, these terms represented the person as a provisional designation and as being distinct from the atman. After that, in the Jnanaprasthana, they became synonymous with atman under the influence of the Pudgalavadins. This identification of the atman and those terms should be thought of as a surprising change in the history of Buddhist thought which denied the atman. Moreover, this identification also influenced Mahayana Buddhism.

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In this paper, I study the doctrine of the Three Self-natures (trisvabhava) in the philosophy of Consciousness-only, and focus more particularly on samaropa (sgro 'dogs pa _??__??_) and apavada (skin pa 'debs pa, _??__??_). In the doctrine of Consciousness-only, samaropa means ‘to see something in the non-existent’. According to the Yogacara school, samaropa and apavada are frequently mentioned in commentaries on emptiness. The Yogacara school stresses the importance of the fact that these two notions should be used in the commentaries on the Three Self-natures. This paper examines several commentaries dealing with the relationship between samaropa and apavada and the Three Self-natures in order to better understand this relationship.

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The following expression of the Salistambasutra (SSS) sa ca ayam ankura svayam krto-napyahetuh samutpanna (Al) is quoted in the avayavartha of Kamalasila's Tattvasamgrahapanjika (TSP) GOS [11:1-2] (B) [13:18-19]. SSS contains a phrase similar to (Al) in its adhyatmika-pratityasamutpada, namarupankuro svayamkrto (Al). In this thesis I intend to investigate Kamalasila's quotation of SSS in TSP.
In the Sarvadharmanihsvabhavasiddhi (SDNS), Kamalasila quoted SSS (Al) for the purpose of criticizing opponents' view of dependent arising and in order to make a connection with Nagarjuna's thought. But in TSP he uses SSS (Al) for the purpose of defending the doctrine of dependent arising from its critics, He further protects himself from his opponents by quoting the Paramarthasunyatasutra which is referred to in the Yogacarabhumi and Abhidharmakosabhasya, rather than appealing here to Nagarjuna.
At last year's conference, I pointed out that the composition of avayavartha in TSP relates to the “four truths” in the Yogacarabhumi and elsewhere (Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies, 53-1, 2004, pp. 131-134).
So, by piecing these points together, I come to the conclusion that the position of Kamalasila, who quoted SSS in TSP, is linked to the tradition of Yogacara.

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In 1982 the late Prof. Brough published a very interesting article concerning a Gandharan inscription. According to him, the inscription contains two words “amridaha” and “oloispare, ” which he took to express the well-known names of the Mahayana Buddha Amitabha and Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. Exactly twenty years later, Profs. Salomon and Schopen published under their joint authorship another article dealing with the inscription. In it they rejected Brough's interpretation. Their argument is persuasive; thus it seems that in general their conclusions are admissible, except for one point of interpreting the ‘difficult, ’ according to their wording, word “oloispare.” Regarding this word, they proposed a different interpretation from that of Brough, taking it as indicating a toponym of an ‘unknown’ place. But it is problematic (at least to the present author). The present author wants to give the word another interpretation than the above-mentioned two, taking it to denote an ‘epithet’ of the Central Buddha of the Triad. His overall conclusion to the inscription is that it does refer, though not directly, to Amida-buddha—according to his opinion, neither Amitabha nor Amitayus but Amrda (<Am-drta)—himself.

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There are three texts named Samadhisambharaparivarta in the Madhyamika section of the Tibetan Tanjur. The largest is written by Bodhibhadra, the second is by Krsnapada and the last smallest is by Dipamkarasrijñana.
In the text of Bodhibhadra (=SSP), he says in its beginning that there are nine accumulations for meditation, namely: 1) renunciation, 2) preparation, 3) avoidance, 4) suppression of anxiety, 5) dissatisfaction with the world, 6) mindfulness of merits, 7) efforts, 8) integrating, 9) means of staying.
Dipamkarasrijñana, who is said to be a student of the Bodhibhadra, refers to SSP in his texts many times. Comparing the contents of Bodhimargadipapanjika with SSP, it will be clear that Dipamkarasrijñana wrote the section of meditation in the Bodhipathapradipa and its self-commentary on the basis of SSP.

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In the paritta ritual performed in contemporary Theravada Buddhism, we can recognize a number of devas, who are to be found in the canonical Pali literature. For example, the monks who are responsible for the paritta ritual offer an invocation to devas, saying “atra agacchantu devata (gods, come here!)”.
The main paritta scriptures are the Mangalasutta, Ratanasutta, Kalaniyamettasutta, Dhammacakkappavattanasutta, and Mahasamayasutta, within which we find influences on devas reflected repeatedly. At the end of the paritta ritual, monks say “gacchantu devatagata (Divine ones, go away!)”.
In this paritta ritual, monks invite many devas to the place of the ritual, and offer some words that include a request to devas. At the end of the ritual, monks cause the devas to return. This paritta ritual resembles rituals of Hindu puja in structure.

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The purpose of this paper is to point out that the description of the Bodhisatta's birth scene including “the gatha at birth” in the Nikaya is that of the former Buddha's birth scene. In the Nikaya, the Bodhisatta's birth scene of this type is contained in the Acchariyabbhutadhammasutta (MN. 123, MN. III pp. 118-124.=Acch). It is similar to the Bodhisatta Vipassin's birth scene in the Mahapadanasuttanta (DN. 14, DN. II pp. 1-54.=MAP). If we compare the two birth scenes more minutely, we notice that the introductory portion in Acch which contains “the conversation about the former Buddhas among the bhikkhus” is related to the description of “the characteristics of the former Buddhas” in MAP. In addition, a parallel description of the Acch introduction is found in MAP, and its Sanskrit and Chinese versions, but the location of the parallel description is different. From this, we can comprehend that the introduction in Acch was originally the introduction to “the characteristics of the former Buddhas”. Thus, it can be said that the Bodhisatta's birth scene in Acch is that of the former Buddha's in MAP, and that the Bodhisatta's birthscene including “the gaha at birth” had been handed down as the former Buddha's birth scene in the Nikaya.

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The term nihsvabhavavadin was represented by ngo bo nyid med par smra ba and rang bzhin med par smra ba in later Tibetan Buddhism. The former is the Svatantrikas and the latter is the Prasarngikas. In Bhaviveka's Prajnapradipa, Klu'i rgyal mtshan translated svabhava into ngo bo nyid, but in Candrakiriti's Prasannapada, Nyi ma grags translated svabhava into rang bzhin, though they are equally commentaries on Mula-Madhyamaka-karika. I would like to focus on the different translations of svabhava from Sanskrit to Tibetan. In the light of their intentions, I understand the words ngo bo nyid by Klu'i rgyal mtshan and rang bzhin by Nyi ma grags as synonyms. Therefore I suggest that the difference between Bhaviveka's and Candrakirti's interpretation of svabhava is not simply represented by the usage of ngo bo nyid and rang bzhin but results from their distinctive understandings of samvrti.

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The purpose of this paper is to produce counterevidence to the claim that a heterodox group within the Sarvastivada school was called pejoratively “Darstantika” by orthodox Sarvastivadins.

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I treat the discussion of a fault of infinite regress (anavastha) of four characteristics (samskrtalaksana) and four secondary characteristics (anulaksana) in the Mahavibhasa. Against the criticism that there is a fault of infinite regress in a theory of four characteristics, the Sarvastivada-Vaibhasikas make three types of responses in the Mahavibhasa.
(a) Some Sarvastivada-Vaibhasikas respond that there is no fault, even if there is an infinite regress.
(b) Other Sarvastivada-Vaibhasikas respond that there is no fault because there is no infinite regress. This response is based on the theory that three dharmas occur at the same moment when dharmas arise.
(c) Orthodox Sarvastivada-Vaibhasikas respond that there is no fault because there is no infinite regress. This response is based on the theory that nine dharmas occur at the same moment when dharmas arise.

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There is only one manuscript of Sthiramati's Madhyantavibhagatika in existence, but it is incomplete, and over one third of it is missing. Yamaguchi, while editing the text, restored the incomplete parts by translating from the Tibetan text into Sanskrit.
In this way, Yamaguchi's edition of Sthiramati's tika greatly contributed to research on Yogacara Buddhism and, although it was highly appreciated, the portions translated into Sanskrit were not always acceptable, as pointed out by Nagao and de Jong.
In fact, studying the original manuscript, I felt that the quoted mula-text which is missing in Yamaguchi's Sthiramati's tika could be restored by using Nagao's edition of the Madhyantavibhagabhasya. In addition, there are misreadings of the manuscript and improper translations from Tibetan into Sanskrit. Hence, these portions of Yamaguchi's edition could be amended by careful reading and using parallel passages of the manuscript.
Therefore, I believe that by studying carefully the existing manuscript and by using parallel passages in the Tibetan translation, it is possible to correct the incorrect portions and create an improved text. Thus, I think that it is possible to revise and re-edit the text.

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“Neither identical nor different” is a Buddhist concept demonstrating a certain “relationship.” In Abhidharma thought, it is used to explain the relationship between “self-nature” and “activity” of dharmas. According to the Sarvastivadins, the self-nature of a dharma exists permanently, but its activity exists only in the present.
Vasubandhu, in the Abhidharmakosabhasya, criticizes this position, saying that it is contradictory to claim that the self-nature of a dharma and its mode of existence (≈activity) are neither identical nor different. Vasubandhu thinks that a conditioned dharma's self-nature and its activity exist only in the present and are identical.
Originally, Vasubandhu, as a Sautrantika, had nihilistically understood the ultimate nirvana as the state of total extinction of body and mind. Later, he changed to the Vijñanavada position which maintains that tathata (asamskrta and anasrava) and dharmas of the phenomenal world (samskrta and sasrava) are neither identical nor different, for the differences between asamskrta and samskrta disappear by the transcendence of samskrta-dharmas from time and space.
Although Vasubandhu still does not allow that a conditioned dharma's self-nature and its activity are neither identical nor different, he admits that the relationship between the supramundane and mundane existences is neither identical nor different. By applying this concept, he discovered the connection between nirvana and samsara.

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This is one consideration of the “other power” thought of Pure Land Buddhism. Concretely, the point of view is applied to the language of Buddha's supernatural power (anubhava or adhisthana) in the Sukhavativyuha, namely terminology and examples of the use of expressions referring to Amitabha Buddha's altruism. There are ten examples in all, and five of the examples are related to the power of the vow of Amitabha (or Buddhas). Although it seems that the meaning of a vow is already contained in adhisthana, from these examples we learn that the power of Amitabha to save is left to this vow's power.

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The term Vastuprativikalpavijnana used in the Lankavatarasutra has so far been regarded as the manovijnanas or seven pravrttivijnanas etc. However, it can be concluded from my investigation of the characteristics of its relevant terms as described in the Lankavatarasutra and the _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_ that the vastuprativikalpavijnana is therein given almost the same characteristics as those of the alayavijnana.

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The Six Characteristics (_??__??_) generally have been positioned as the basis of the “Interfusion of the Six Characteristics” (_??__??__??__??_) from the Huayan (_??__??_) school's standpoint, but not much study has been done on the Six Characteristics in the ADV itself. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the meaning of the Six Characteristics in the ADV, specifically focusing on the transfiguration of an equivalent and the context of the Six Characteristics.
In conclusion, we can find that the Six Characteristics, used as the method of annotation in the ADV, are more embodied in a comparison of the Dasabhumika-sutra (_??__??__??_). Also, it is noted that transfiguration of the Six Characteristics is shown more clearly in the Tibetan version of ADV than in the Chinese version.

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The Gradualist chapter of the bSam gtan mig sgron (SMG), ascribed to gNubs chen Sans rgyas ye ses, cites from the Svapnanirdesa (Svap), a part of the Ratnakuta, 108 dreams indicating progress in spiritual practice. They are annotated with exceptionally long interlinear commentaries. Among them, two dreams of the Svap seem to be missing, while two unkown ones are apparently added.
Comparing the citation with the Svap itself, this article describes the characteristics of the interlinear commentaries and the text corruptions of the SMG, which are often difficult to ascertain because the text is only available in a single edition.
The Svap first enumerates 108 dreams and later explains them in detail. The SMG quotes the enumeration part, while the interlinear commentaries explain the dreams by quoting the explanation part of the Svap. But since the two added dreams of the SMG are separately found in the explanation part of the Svap together with two other dreams, they may be considered to have originally belonged to the interlinear commentaries.
The interlinear commentaries are often so simplified that it is difficult to understand them without their sources. The sources, however, remain unknown for most other parts of the Gradualist chapter. Further research is, therefore, required.

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Fajin _??__??_ (?-444) [a monk in the Northern Liang _??__??_ (397-439)] took his life for the sake of starvelings in Turfan. This study is an investigation of the relationship between Fajin's action known as atmabhavaparityaga _??__??_ and the Buddhism of the Northern Liang. By the way, this Buddhism developed through King Meng Xun's _??__??_ (368-433/r. 401-433) devotion to Buddhism. In his reign, Fajin was given a warm reception by the king.
When the Northern Wei _??__??_ (386-584) overpowered the Northern Liang in 439, the Northern Liang royal family led a retreat of some families to the west. Fajin was included, too. In 442 Wu Hui _??__??_ (?-444/r. 443-444) occupied Turfan and established in the following year the Qoco _??__??_ kingdom ruled by the Juqu _??__??_ family (442-460).

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This paper aims at studying the interpretation of PV III 338-340 by mKhas grub rje. He interprets these three verses as those which establish gzhan rig (other-cognition) of Yogacara. On the other hand, he has raised an objection to Tibetans who consider PV III 338 as presenting Sautrantika theory, and considers PV III 339-340 to present Yogacara theory. Such an interpretation can be traced to bLa ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan's PV commentary. Focusing on the difference of between both opinions, we examine why mKhas grub rje needed to understand these three verses as such. Most particularly, do these two commentators take PV III 338 as presenting Sautrantika theory or Yogacara theory?

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