The invited Thai students came to Japan based on the student exchange agreement between the governments of Thailand and Japan, arriving during the war in 1942 and another groups again in 1943. Japanese documents stated that the first six students who came to Japan in 1942 were excellent and well behaved, and the six students who came to Japan in 1943 were inferior and not obedient. Interviews with the former invited students by the author in October 2005 revealed misunderstandings in these documents. In this paper, the author analyzes the differences, and discusses the utility of interviews in qualitative researches.

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In this study, the author interviews 'Japanese orphans' left in China at the end of WWII in Manchuria, and examines their motivation to return to Japan. Up to now, the motivations of the 'Japanese orphans' to return to Japan have been mostly thought to be "homesickness" and "yearning for economic prosperity". However, the author consider their homecoming motivations from a different viewpoint. The characteristics of this research are a focus on 'how' the motives are narrated and the use of their mother tongue, the Chinese language, in the interviews.

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In this text, the movement to excavate remains in Shumarinai is analyzed. When remains function as media to tell the past, these show character of the interpretation diversity and operativeness, exceeding the individual of remains. In addition to, remains don't approve by a one-sided interpretation by the person in the mournful act. It is because the subjectivity of remains often appears. It is shown that remains function so that the person represents voices of dead. Moreover, the grief that the person has accumulated is comforted by the representation. And, participants come to be able to consent and to share the meaning of the remains by the representation. However, the representation has danger that can exclude other interpretations at any time. It is necessary to keep such both of the relation between the person and the dead.

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In this paper, I consider how a person may subjectivize their transformation from a bystander to a peace activist by looking at the life history of M, a woman born and raised in Okinawa. After her mother's death, M felt that peace activity, which until then had been her mother's domain, should be the subject with which she should be concerned as a subject. Since M had no language with which to tell of "the self as a peace activist", she reflected her process of becoming a peace activist onto her mother's life. By converting her own negative experiences into positive experiences, and sympathizing with the experiences of others, and connecting them to form a "story", she constructed a self which "does not give up easily." Moreover, when her history was compared with that of her brother Y, it emerged that each of them had started their peace activity, by using family experiences as a resource.

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