The Good Lives model, which has been advocated by New Zealand psychologist Tony Ward and his colleagues since the early 2000s, is a theoretical framework for the treatment and rehabilitation of offenders. The purpose of this paper is to describe and evaluate the Good Lives model through a literature review of related articles and to ascertain the implications for offender rehabilitation policy in Japan. Since its conception, the Good Lives model has incorporated the Risk-Need approach. Its theoretical challenge is to balance crime prevention (reduction of risk) and offender well-being (promotion of goods). Treatment, as conceptualized in the Good Lives model, is based on human dignity and rights, punishment and rehabilitation, and an ethics of intervention by ethical practitioners where the communicative theory of punishment is an important position that places emphasis on all stakeholders involved in criminal justice. Some critics assert that supportive evidence for the Good Lives model is weak, despite the accumulation of evaluation studies that have focused on its underpinning assumptions and practice. In conclusion, although the Good Lives model has some issues to be considered because of its eclectic character, it should be introduced in offender rehabilitation policy in Japan.

This study focuses on the current challenges in the of treatment and rehabilitation of in juveniles corrections, concerning the treatment for corrections and rehabilitation in juvenile training schools, and this study addressing the promising measures and promising future concepts from the following three viewpoints. First, this study identifies the structure of “correction model” structure which has been diffused in the corrections used for adult offenders and the inherent challenges obstructing offenders’ rehabilitation. Secondly, in terms of rebuilding of juvenile corrections, the study considers “narrative theory,” which is the foundational concept implemented of in family therapy, and others as a means for of reshaping juvenile corrections. In particular addition, this study discusses the possibility of using then “self-narrative model for desistance” emphasizing to (obtaining personal identity and self-narrative for desistance) to address deal with the challenges of the correction model. Finally, eventually, the study explores the rebuilding of “juvenile corrections” was realized through an emphasis the discussion of the possibilities on the environment/opportunity as the place of “co-living and co-developing.” This environment/opportunity focus allows formulates mutual initiatives, such as dialogues and relationships, and this mutual initiative promotes the development of officers, as supporters of thee, “toward the new concept of custodial measure can be a “best interest” for of developing juveniles.

In 2017, I introduced an interactive changing model, whose principle emphasized that supporters need to be faithful to rehabilitation support. In this paper, I propose this model as a method to reform the social structure, as well. An exclusive society forces even offenders to adapt to mainstream culture. People who are able to adapt to mainstream culture are included by society. However, people who refuse to accept mainstream culture or are not able to live by its norms get excluded by society. Therefore, the harder supporters try to make offenders normal, the more they are excluded by the exclusive society. I call it the social innovator’s dilemma. The interactive changing model as a social reforming model shows us how to get over the dilemma and reform the society by forming interactive changing communities. The subculture generated by communities formed by offenders and persons who escort them will also make mainstream culture change. This collaboration among offenders and escorts is what will drive this change in mainstream cultures.

In Japan, DARC (Drug Addiction Rehabilitation Center) has played the most important role in supporting the recovery of drug addicts. We can call it a movement of recovery by addicts themselves. In a last half of 1980’s, they found the motivation for their own life and their sustainable recovery in local society. The DARC influenced on the reform of prison law in 2005, which accepted for the first time for DARC staff to carry the message of recovery to the inmates by their participation in the education programs. The hope that drug addicts could be recovered in their community led to a new law to introduce a system of partial suspended sentence of imprisonment in 2016. However, recently this relationship has been unfortunately changed. Uniform approach of CBT by professionals began to overwhelm the messages of recovery. Under this law, the importance of non-reuse is emphasized, but we value is the quality of life of the person. This paper focuses on the activities of DARC and reconsiders the recovery of addicts.

In Japan, research concerning education in juvenile correctional facilities has been progressing in recent years, and this has increased our knowledge. Un fortunately, despite the emphasis this research has placed on implementation, this research has failed to grasp the life world of those youths who live in these facilities. This present study tries to look closely at this life world. In particular, how the cottage (ryou) functions as both the space of life and foundation for activities and for this reason serves as a nucleus of membership in the inmate’s lives.The study was conducted at two juvenile correctional facilities and involved observing the interactions between inmates from their morning wakeup until their evening curfew. At both facilities, each cottage had a distinctive daily life and system of discipline. Moreover, the individual character and rituals of each cottage were passed down unconsciously as its traditions. Based on these observations, the author concludes that each cottage has “collective individuality” (E . Durkheim).This paper argues the following. First, the collective individuality of each cottage heightens the inmates’ sense of membership . This enables disposed juveniles to acquire membership and identity as a child of the cottage. Second, encounters between members of different cottages produce conflict because each cottage has different practices and particularities, which cause their members to relate to inmates from different cottages as “other.” This means that the institution has the character of one type of “society” insofar as there is a public there. In this way, the cottage’s collective individuality rehabilitates these juveniles to ordinary society.

This research aims at examining the effects of routine-activity lifestyle factors and crime prevention behaviors and on property and personal crime victimization among general public in Japan.Upon reviewing several environmental criminology theories such as routine activity, lifestyle, and structural choice theory, the authors suggest that the causal relationship between crime prevention behaviors and victimization is mediated by routine-activity lifestyle factors.Two repeated cross-sectional surveys were conducted in 2010 and 2014 in Japan (n = 4006). Four outcome variables of self-report victimization, including breaking and entering, car/motorbike theft and theft from car, bicycle theft, purse-snatching and molesters, were regressed on crime prevention /risk behaviors including use of lock while going out or parkin g, and use of smart-phone or music player while walking as well as routine activity-lifestyle variables of fulltime/parttime job or attending school.Logistic analysis revealed that using lock while parking reduce the risk of bicycle thefts and that women’s refraining from using smart-phone or music player while walking also reduce the risk of purse-snatching and molesters. Moreover, the elevated risk of bicycle-theft by not-using locks while parking emerges only among those other than full-time working, which empirically support structural choice model.Policy implications, limitations and future prospects of the current study were discussed.