Crisis has been defined in so various ways by behavioral, historical and other sciences. Most of definitions, particularly in the cold war era, are military oriented. Since the end of the cold war, however, a new definition of crisis and a new concept of crisis control has been required to cope with a looming new security environment,

in which there is a non-military as well as military crisis. In this essay, crisis is defined as a ’ high probability of damage to acquired values’ based on the definition of security as a ’ low probability of damage to acquired values’ by David Baldwin. According to this definition, the purpose of crisis control is how a ’ high probability of damage to acquired values’ can be lowered and kept as low as possible. It is just the same purpose of security. In this vein, crisis control is another aspect of security.

As a definition of security has been changing since the end of the cold war, a concept of crisis control has been also transforming in the post-cold war era. The field of crisis control is widening from military to non-military one, that is, politics, culture, economics and environment. In addition to widening fields, the level of actor of crisis control is extending from national to non-national level, that is, subnational, supra-national or trans-national actor level. As a result, threats tackled by crisis control includes even non-military one like environment pollution as well as armed conflicts with which the traditional crisis control has dealt.

After all, how well crisis control works depnds on how much important

’acquired values’ is to crisis managers.

The most important theme for crisis management for a state is early termination of international crises which may escalate into a major war. During the Cold War era, which had been characterized by continuing nuclear arms race between the two Superpowers, prevention of nuclear war was the top priority of global peace. In responding to Soviet challenges such as the Berlin Crises, the United States exploited successfully deterrent effect of nuclear weapons. Nuclear deterrence had been the cornerstone of U.S. defense policy.

In the Cold War era, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union reacted very cautiously to virtually all crises because they knew well that failure of deterrence meant mutual suicide. In the post-Cold War era, which is characterizes by multipolarity, strategic calculations of major powers are difficult to predict. As compared with the Cold War era, it is more difficult to maintain alliances in crises, because each country has different stake.

In recent years, repeated crises both at home and abroad has heightened Japanese awareness with the importance of crisis management. However, Japanese interest in crisis management has so far been narrowly limited to policy questions such as swift decision-making process in crisis. In light of the fact that Japanese defense policy continues to rely upon U.S. nuclear deterrence, it is imperative that Japan pay more attention to theoretical aspect of crisis management. Otherwise, Japan could not respond effectively to future international crises.

In our contemporary society, the concept of " Crisis Management" is frequently used in various contexts from the nuclear warfare, regional conflicts, terrorism, product tampering, to financial crisis of individual citizen. However, it is true that there are growing threats to our society caused by the collapse of Cold War structure, drastic technology innovations, Globalization of Economy, transformations of society, and environmental-natural disasters. We are sure to be heading to the Crisis Society where fundamental social factors and structures will be yielding crisis factors in every part of our society. Japan is not an exception of Crisis Society. On the contrary, it is typically emerging in the society which has enjoyed rapid and constant economic growth throughout 1970s and 80s. There are a number of reasons why the concept of Crisis Management and actual efforts for it are not accepted by the public and realized in government ,private enterprises and to individuals. Some may attribute this absence to the cultural background of Japan, but actual causality is more complex and deeply imbedded in institutional framework of social systems in Japanese society. Although Japan has already confronted a number of crisis situations such assecurity issues in international relations in Asia, financial crises of banking institutions, Great Hanshin Earthquake, E-coli Bacterial infection, collapse of educational system etc... the acceptance of the concept among Japanese population is still limited. The author of this article is try to analyze and elaborate the factors whichhinder the perception and efforts of crisis management in Japan , and to propose a set of policies for improving the situation in order to coping with the coming crises to our society.

Bio-politics consists of the fields relevant to medical and bio-ethical policies so far studied by three disciplines as bio-ethics, medical economics and medical law. Its main objects of research are AID, IVF-ET, abortion, bio-medicine, organ transplantation and natural death/euthanasia.

Until now the criteria of bio-policy assessment are indefinite because of the inconsistencies between policies influenced by the varied opinion about people’s lifestyle and public order. The author argues that there should be a basic theory based on clear ideas and principles.

The proposed ideas here are freedom, symbiosis and nature which are put reciprocally in chequed and balanced relationship. Hence five principles of bio-policy are self-determination, restraint on intervention from government or medical science society, anti-eugenics, strong social support for the handicapped and limitation on the intervention of medical technologies into human body / life.

These principles lead to the minor principles such as legal guarantee of patient’s rights, promotion of people’s right to accsess to medical information and legal protection of the right of privacy. Ultimately you can choose some concrete policies such as ban on human gene engineering of reproductive cell, ban on surrogate mother etc. and levels or means of restriction ( by law, by guideline or self)

This article describes the gap between service programs and actual needs in Japanese health and welfare policies; what kinds of gaps are discernible in the health and welfare polices; what problems are created by the cleavage; and why the government can hardly succeed in reforms to bridge the gap.

To fulfill all the needs for health and welfare, the government must implement the policies that cover the following four categories, i.e., acute cure, chronic care, long-term care, and terminal care. While adults’ diseases, such as cancer, heart diseases and diabetes, have been the most familiar illnesses that the Japanese people have suffered since the 1950s, long-term care policy for the frail and disabled elderly has also been increasingly important since the 1980s.

The existing health care and welfare system, however, is suitable for acute cure. The absence of chronic and long-term care services has caused three problems: namely, waste of resources, patients’ distrust of a doctor and heavy burdens of family members for the elderly care. The author concludes that policy inertia produced by the existing system per se is resistant to reform.

In Japan, the study of public policies confronts many problems. The first, many students use same ‘jargons’in different meanings. One speaks of policies in political contexts, the other in administrative and economical context, and they don’t know they are speaking of the different sides of policies each other. The second ploblem is the ‘inter-disciplinary nature ’of the public policy studies. The wider the field of the studies become, the more students in different diciplines come(foe example economics, politics, sosiology, law, public and business administration, engineering etc.). So, there is no agreement upon how to study public policies. The third ploblem is that there comes new theme of the study of public policies. Day by day, so many themes and topics to study come in this field of study that we can’t follow them.

This ssession 5 argues those ploblems. Taking up ‘the identity crisis’of the study of the public policies, Professor Mayama he makes the new framework of the study and identifies meanings of many ‘jargons’of the study of public policies.

Proffesor Amano finds the new perspective of the policy-making process in local government, he calls it‘Seisaku-homu’‘Saisaku-homu’approachs the policyprocess from the legislation of local government,understands laws of central government from the view point of citizens, and evaluates legal proceedings.

Both contribute to make clarification of ‘the state of the arts’of the study of the public policy in Japan.

There are many approaches to study public policies, because “Policy Studies” have not yet been established as one academic field. This article tries to put these various approaches in order, form the Public Administration perspective. This paper checks many definitions of the term “policy” in the various studies in order to make sure of the confusion in using the term. First of all, some classifications of policy are introduced. At the second, this article shows that various policy studies are interested in which types of policy. Finally, the relation between policy studies and policy process (e.g. policy decision, policy analysis, policy implementation, and policy evaluation) is examined by using the model presented by S. Nagel. Although Political Science and Public Administration contribute policy studies in some sense, it is necessary that many other fields of social science are integrated to establish “Public Policy Study”.

In 1981, the Provisional Commission for Administrative Reform(“Rincho” in Japanese) started under the all-out support of the Cabinet. The Prime Minister at the time was Zenko Suzuki who was the predecessor of Yasuhiro Nakasone. Rincho embarked upon rigorous review of substantive policies like social security, social welfare, public works etc. and deliberated the privatization of the big three public corporations like the National Railways and the Telegraph and Telephone Public Corporation. Successive Cabinets have fully implemented almost all the recommendations made to the Prime Minister by the Rincho and its successive follow-up Councils. We can call this period 1981 to 1993 “the Rincho reform period”.

In the July 1993 general election the Liberal Democratic Party lost its majority for the first time since its founding in 1955. Administrative reform entered into a new phase since this political change. The most important change from the era of LDP one-party dominance is that coalition governments and competitive elections have worked to increase the influence of politics and politicians relative to the bureaucracy. Large-scale ministerial reorganization and decentralization, both of which had been blocked by bureaucratic resistance under LDP one-party dominance, were vigorously tackled by the successive governments, especially by the Hashimoto cabinet. His cabinet succeeded in enacting the Basic Law for the Reorganization of Central Government Ministries and Agencies which came into effect in June of 1998. The law comprises almost all the subjects of administrative reform. This article deals with, in comparison with the Rincho administrative reform, the features of administrative reform based on the law, such as its concept of administrative reform, its reform procedure and the full use of Administrative Reform Council chaired by the Prime Minister Hashimoto. The author presents a general view of major administrative reform items, and points out the problems latent in them. The problems include inappropriate organization management like building gigantic ministries which might be out of political control and difficulties in providing “an independent administrative corporation” (a new type of public organization called, Dokuritsu-Gyousei-Houjin) with real autonomy. In addition, the author refers to the importance of the software rather than the hardware in the practice of administrative reform.

In Japan, the urgent reform of social-economic system has been discussed. In this discussion, many people talk about what reform should we do, but no one talks about how should we do this. ”Iron triangle” has been said as the factor of preventing the reform in Japan. But in America, regardless of the existence of same triangle, complete reform has been done since 70’s. So, not such triangle but the Japanese policymaking system and its institution are the factor of preventing the reform.

This paper considers the institutional features of Japanese policymaking system in comparing America. We use “critical case-study” method and select the deregulation of airline in Japan and America as “critical case”. We proceeded comparative analysis by two-stage. At first, we analyze and pick out the features of the policymaking process of both cases by using “explanatory model”. This model is the modified version of Paul A. Sabatier’s Advocacy coalitions model (named as “Modified Sabatier’s Model”). Next, according to these features, we compare the both cases by using “comparative model”, and consider the institutional features of Japanese policymaking system. This model is composed by two contexts, named as “issue context” and “institutional context”, which prescribe the degree of reform. According to results of this two-stage analysis, we point out that there is two-structured policymaking in Japan and bureaucrat controls it. And we also point out the four elements to promote reform. First is the organization of group, named as “reform promoting group”, which has the belief of complete reform and the political resources and strategies to defeat the oppositions. Second is, in the stage of agenda setting, the existence of “policy entrepreneur” who creates the idea of reform and diffuses it. And also the effect of social-economic state and other reform is the second factor. Third is to set the agenda of reform comprehensively. Fourth is the institutional position and relations of the coreactors of “reform promoting group”.

Finally we consider how to implement the complete reform in Japan. We point out that in a long term we should change cozy relationships between bureaucracy and business, and in a short term we consider how to involve “policy elite” into actual policymaking controlled by bureaucrats.

This Study examines how 27 prefectural governments started their policy making process of the Freedom of Information Acts and enacted them. The policy idea was so strong in the early 1980s that all prefectures begun their efforts to enact FOIA almost simultaneously, but the years of enactment vary widely. The comparison of 27 policy making processes reveals that they followed quite similar policy processes, that an early stage of policy research within each administration made difference, and that in the stage four policy determinants played important roles. The four determinants include organizational resources, top management’s leadership, partisan politics in the assembly, and the diffusion factor.

In this paper, we analyze how strict market share liability works within the condition of the joint tort. We find that each firm is likely to choose the care which is lower than the socially optimal care along with the output which is smaller than the socially optimal output because of this rule. We also find that the method of allocating damages among firms on (2nd)HIV legal composition leads the same result.

In addition to strict market share liability, this paper presents three alternative liability rules;( 1) the rule that depends on both levels of cares and outputs of firms;(2)the rule that requires no levels of cares or outputs;(3)the rule that depends on only the levels of cares. We find that two rules–(1) and(2)–have more capability of increasing social welfare than strict market share liability.

However, it should be kept in mind that the administration cost of the rule(1)is the highest of these rules and each firm will still have to bear the damages excessively in use of the rule (2).

This article describes about political role of Local representatives on Municipal and Country-side Policy process in Ishikawa.It reviews the relation of Local administrations and Politicians in pre-assembly process,then analyses about the influence of Local representatives

upon policy-process,and political posture. Some suggestions are made regarding the results about political role of Local representatives under multiparty regime.

This paper analyzes the economic effect of amnesty and policies relevant to it with the two-country model which is founded on that of Bond and Chen(1987). And it draws following conclusions.

If amnesty is carried out more frequently in the case of no unemployment, the total income of all the world will increase, but the wage rate of legal unskilled workers in it will decrease. So it is possible that unemployment will come out if the operation of amnesty is continued to be frequent. If amnesty is carried out more frequently in the case of unemployment being in both the host country and the source country, the unemployment will increase in the former and decrease in the latter, the total income of all the world will not change.

One way to decrease illegal workers in the host country while preventing unemployment coming out in it is to carry out amnesty more frequently with increasing penalty for the employers of them. Another way is to increase the regular number of acceptable foreign workers in order to increase the number of the workers who enter the host country with working permits. But it doesn’t make illegal workers become legal ones like amnesty.

Amakudari refers to a practice of private companies accepting former high ranking government bureaucrats as executives. This practice played an important role in the way how the Ministry of Finance (MOF) and the Bank of Japan (BOJ) exchanged information with private financial institutions. Amakurari was an important node of financial policy networks. By using the concept of Rent-Seeking, this paper analyzed the relationship between MOF and BOJ on the one hand and private financial institutions on the other. This paper found that although the total number of amakurari officials stayed constant from 1980 to 1992, the numbers of MOF and MOJ officials engaged in amakurari fluctuated from year to year, indicating that MOF and BOJ competed against each other for a limited number of amakurari positions. The total number of amakurari started to decline in 1992. The decline may have been caused by deregulation measures that resulted in a decrease of rents and the amount of information controlled by MOF and BOJ.