In this article I seek out connections between Liu Xie's 劉勰 views on literature, Zhang Huaiguan's 張懷瓘 views on calligraphy, and Zhang Yanyuan's 張彦遠 views on painting and thereby attempt to highlight the way in which connections were forged between literature, calligraphy, and painting from the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties through to the Tang.
  First, a certain aesthetic is shared by these three men. The aesthetic concept of fenggu 風骨 (lit. "wind and bone") proposed by Liu Xie represented an idea intended to criticize the rhetorical tendencies of contemporary literature and advocate a return to the Five Classics of Confucianism. About two hundred years later, Zhang Huaiguan of the high Tang adopted the term fenggu in an attempt to relativize the view of calligraphy culminating in Wang Xizhi 王羲之 that had become established since the reign of Taizong 太宗 in the early Tang. Furthermore, a fragment of Zhang Huaiguan's Huaduan 畫斷, in which he applies the term fenggu to painting theory, is quoted in Zhang Yanyuan's Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記. They all employed the aesthetic concept of fenggu to give expression to an idea that embodied an aspiration for what was simple and powerful rather than what was ornate and elegant.
  In addition, Liu Xie, Zhang Huaiguan, and Zhang Yanyuan were also interconnected in terms of ontology insofar that they each questioned what "writing," "calligraphy" or "painting" is. Liu Xie, basing himself on the Yijing 易經, argued that "writing" (wen 文) is a manifestation of the Way (dao 道) and formulated a theory of the universal value of "writing" qua literature. Following on from this, Zhang Huaiguan, while recognizing that "writing" and "calligraphy" exist as a single entity, discovered the unique position of "calligraphy" as something that has a different function from "writing." Lastly, Zhang Yanyuan argued for the unity of calligraphy and painting and found the essence of painting, like that of calligraphy, in the vitality of the brushwork.
  In this fashion, there can be found in Liu Xie, Zhang Huaiguan, and Zhang Yanyuan a theoretical process in which literature, calligraphy, and painting became interconnected as if to form a trinity.

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The manuscript of the Rōko shiiki 聾瞽指歸 attributed to Kūkai 空海 (Kōbō Daishi 弘法大師) dates from the start of the Heian period. In this article I focus on its formal characteristics and reexamine the advancement of the Japanization of Chinese calligraphic techniques in the history of Japanese calligraphy.
  The Rōko shiiki is characterized by changes in the size of characters depending on the flow of the narrative and the overall spatial composition and by the use of diverse calligraphic techniques to correlate the characters with surrounding characters. Each of the individual elements has its origin in Chinese calligraphy, but because they have been selected by the calligrapher for the purpose of calligraphic expression and have been structured on the basis of his own interpretation, one can detect an individuality that differs from that of China. In particular, a key to understanding the method of structuring the paper is the "variation and harmony" that are considered to have become established by the time of the Nara period in the history of Japanese calligraphy.
  Among the Shōsōin 正倉院 documents there are examples in which "variation and harmony" have been employed in the size, placing, and slant of characters. It is to be surmised that the writing styles of immigrant monks and Japanese monks who had studied in China, both groups of whom transmitted the traditional calligraphic style of Wang Xizhi 王羲之, were consulted when developing this sense of composition. In documents of the Nara period, the act of writing by making distinctive use of space and taking into account relationships with nearby characters, based on traditions going back to Wang Xizhi, manifested in a structuring of sheets of paper that displayed "variation and harmony."
  Consequently, the expression of "variation and harmony" in the Rōko shiiki can be understood as a distinctive feature of "Japanization" that emerged as Chinese calligraphic techniques took root during the Nara period. In the eighth century, when understanding of Chinese calligraphy was inadequate, people were seeking to master calligraphic styles in this manner. As a result, the interpretations and aesthetic sense of people of the Nara period came to be reflected in calligraphy and brought about advancing Japanization in the history of Japanese calligraphy.

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Previous studies on the text of the Konoe 近衛 manuscript of the Wakan rōeishū 和漢朗詠集 have been published by Horibe Shōji 堀部正二 and Katagiri Yōichi 片桐洋一. Horibe argued that the Konoe manuscript and the Detchōbon 粘葉本, Iyo-gire 伊予切, and Hōrinji-gire 法輪寺切 manuscripts belong to "completely the same line" of manuscripts, while Katagiri too wrote that "the texts of the Detchōbon manuscript and Konoe manuscript coincide even in minor points" and are "completely similar."
  In this article, having been able to examine some materials not consulted by Horibe and Katagiri, I reexamine with respect to both format and text the position of the Konoe manuscript among manuscripts considered to have been copied during the Heian period, with a focus on its relationship with the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts. My findings can be summarized under the following three points.
  (1) Regarding the presence or absence of particular lines of verse, if one excludes special cases, the Konoe manuscript coincides with the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts. However, some minor differences were found between the Konoe manuscript and the Detchōbon and Iyo-gire manuscripts.
  (2) As for the arrangement of the poems, the Konoe manuscript coincides completely with the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts.
  (3) As regards individual textual differences, the Konoe manuscript and the Det-chōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts share many identical passages, but some differences were also found, and in content too it would seem that the Konoe manuscript is different in character from the other manuscripts.
  It has thus become clear that while the Konoe manuscript belongs to the same line of manuscripts as the Detchōbon, Iyo-gire, and Hōrinji-gire manuscripts, it differs somewhat in character from these three manuscripts.

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The Saiyōshō 才葉抄 is a calligraphic treatise by Fujiwara no Norinaga 藤原教長 (1109-80) that is said to have been transmitted orally in a hermitage on Mt. Kōya in 1177 (Angen 安元3), and its alternative titles include Hittaishō 筆躰抄 and Hippō saiyōshū 筆法才葉集. One of the manuscripts of this work is the Hittai kuden in the Onraidō 恩頼堂 Collection at Shitennōji University. So far as can be judged from a perusal of catalogues such as the Kokusho sōmokuroku 国書総目録 and Kotenseki sōgō mokuroku 古典籍総合目録, this is the only work bearing a title starting with the words Hittai kuden. Among extant manuscripts whose date is known, this is the oldest, having been copied on Kōei 康永4 [1345]/4/5, and it is regarded as a valuable source in that it was copied together with the Tenarai mondōshō 手習問答抄, which differs from the standard text of the Saiyōshō.
  In current research on manuscripts of the Saiyōshō, manuscripts are broadly divided into three textual lineages: the 47-section version, exemplified by the Saishō nyūdō Norinaga kuden 宰相入道教長口傳 in the Sakamoto Ryūmon 阪本龍門 Library, which is regarded as the best manuscript; the 88-section version, included in the Nihon shoga'en 日本書畫苑, etc.; and the 24-section version, held by the Cabinet Library, etc. In this article, I examine the Saiyōshō in the Onraidō Collection and also consider the position of the Hittai kuden through a comparison with manuscripts of the 47-section version. In view of the fact that the Hittai kuden does not include sections and passages considered to have been added in later times, I point out that it may preserve an early version of the text. The Tenarai mondōshō that has been copied together with the Hittai kuden consists of three works―Tenarai mondōshō, Tenzu jūniyō 點圖十二樣, and Gekanshū 下官集―and in particular this version of the Gekanshū may be considered to provide valuable material for research on manuscripts of the Gekanshū.

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The Rinzai 臨濟 monk Hakuin Ekaku 白隱慧鶴 (1686-1769) actively engaged in wide-ranging proselytizing activities in addition to his own religious practice, and because he revived the Rinzai sect, which had been in decline, he is known as the restorer of the Rinzai sect. He also turned his energies to painting and calligraphy, and many of his works have survived down to the present day. His paintings and calligraphy, executed with imposing deliberation, possess a high degree of spirituality that jolts the viewer. Among such works there is Menpeki Daruma 面壁達磨, depicting Bodhidharma sitting in meditation with his face to a wall, a particularly striking work in which it is impossible to tell whether what has been created is a painting or a written character. By focusing on this work, I clarify the meaning that creating such works of pictorial calligraphy (moji-e 文字繪) had for Hakuin and their characteristics, ascertain the history of such pictorial calligraphy in the history of painting and calligraphy, and determine the position of Hakuin's pictorial calligraphy.
  Responses to questions such as whether or not to use letters in calligraphy <→ painting?> and how to differentiate between calligraphy and painting change depending on the artist's view of art and his philosophy. The newly discovered Menpeki Daruma by Hakuin, the main focus of this article, provides ideal material for considering these questions.
  In this article, focusing on the newly discovered Menpeki Daruma, I compare it with other similar paintings of Bodhidharma, other examples of pictorial calligraphy such as Gu Daruma 愚だるま and Kakushi Daruma 隱だるま, and also other paintings and works of calligraphy. As well as unravelling Hakuin's teachings encapsulated in Menpeki Daruma, I discuss matters relating to Hakuin and pictorial calligraphy and clarify how he moved back and forth between calligraphy and painting and sublimated them both.

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Sonoda Kojō 園田湖城 (1886-1968) was a leading seal-engraver of modern Japan who endeavoured to collect old Chinese seals and produce albums of impressions of these seals and, with a highly refined style of engraving underpinned by these endeavours, left a large mark on the world of seal-engraving during the Taishō and Shōwa eras. Worthy of special note among his achievements is the journal In'in 印印, which served as the organ of the society Dōfū Insha 同風印社, presided over by Sonoda, and was published from September 1926 to November 1951.
  Throughout all eighty-two issues of In'in actual impressions of seals were used, and each issue began with impressions of old seals and seal engravings by earlier engravers and also included collotype prints of paintings and calligraphic works by Chinese and Japanese masters and reproductions of rubbings of stone and metal inscriptions. It made an enormous contribution to the world of seal engraving. It also had the elements of a collection of impressions of seals engraved by society members, and the postscript ("Yoteki" 餘滴) at the end of each issue could be said to provide first-rate material on the state of the contemporary world of calligraphy and seal engraving.
  But only a small number of copies of In'in were printed, and there exist very few complete sets. Consequently, although several studies have appeared in the past, it could be said that we do not yet have a full picture of this publication. In 2012 I wrote the explanatory comments for a catalogue of rare albums of seal impressions, both Japanese and Chinese, held by Naritasan Calligraphy Museum, including a complete set of In'in (Naritasan Shodō Bijutsukan zō inpu kaidai 成田山書道美術館蔵印譜解題), and in the course of preparing this catalogue I realized once again the importance of this publication and accordingly decided to take it up on this occasion.
  In this article, I present an outline of In'in and, with a view to summarizing the contents of all the volumes that were published, I also provide, in the order in which they appear, a list of engravers whose seals were reproduced and institutions holding the classical works reproduced in the pages of In'in. I also bring together the content of the postscripts in the form of a chronological record of the Dōfū Insha that gives a sense of the situation at the time. I shall be delighted if this proves of some use to other researchers.

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