This paper aims to examine why Japanese speakers use nanka in conversation and to explain how nanka functions in Japanese discourse. Specifically, nanka is observed in self-disclosure when speakers talk about their personal experiences. The data in this paper was collected from the “Mister O Corpus,” a cross-linguistic video corpus that focuses on conversation. In this instance, 26 pairs of female participants talk about the topic, “What surprised you the most?” for about five minutes. Using this data, 395 examples of nanka are examined, and classified according to co-occurring expressions.

First, nanka works to help smooth the progress of discourse while introducing new concepts. Second, nanka functions to show the speaker’s feelings of doubt, as in “It may be wrong, but my impression is...,” co-occurring with filler or repair words. Third, nanka is used with direct experiences, i.e. the speaker’s innermost feelings, which include inner speech, onomatopoeia and the direct quotation of utterances. Spontaneous expressions uttered with nanka show the speaker’s innermost feelings to the listener, as in “I may be wrong, but I feel like this.” Viewed in this light, nanka functions to advance discourse. Moreover, the use of nanka contributes to the verbalization of the speaker’s direct experiences. Consequently, nanka plays an important role in directly indicating the speaker’s innermost feelings to the listener in Japanese discourse.

The purpose of this study is to explore how commonality and individuality is treated in Japanese language education. The study attempts to clarify commonality and individuality based on interpretations of Japanese business email communications. The paper mainly discusses the recipient’s awareness of business communication. The author conducted an experiment and interviews with subjects through Japanese business email communication. The senders were office workers. The recipients were managers. Firstly, the senders were asked to write emails and the recipients were asked to read them. Then each of the senders and recipients were interviewed. Email data was analyzed via genre analysis. The message utilized was an announcement of a debriefing session to company members using a mailing list. The following situation was given to the senders. They were given the wrong information from the managers and told that they should pass this information on to members of the mailing list. As a result, the commonality found among both senders and recipients was that they paid attention to "consideration of the manager" and "whether the correct information was conveyed to those involved." However, the way in which recipients judged the messages as most appropriate varied among participants. The results suggest that Japanese language education teachers should focus on this sort of awareness in learners. First, teachers should share common norms with learners through educational activities. Moreover, it is important to consider what makes interpretations with individuality possible, even when people share the same opinion. Therefore, it is important to create an environment that allows learners to experience both processes continually.

The usage and selection of metalingual phrases comprise “the expression of Taigu consciousness” (Sugido, 1983, p.38). This work investigates the Taigu consciousness of subject expression viewed from metalingual phrases relating to “Human relations” “Place,” “Consciousness,” “Content,” and “Form,” from the viewpoint of Japanese education, in order to elevate learner Taigu consciousness. After clarifying the context that utilizes metalingual phrases featuring the areas mentioned above, we attempted to describe and analyze the inherent Taigu consciousness.

Five characteristics were discovered as a result of the investigation.

1. Metalingual phrases can demonstrate abstract Taigu consciousness concretely. Metalingual phrases are effective and are important to learn in order to elevate Taigu consciousness.

2. No matter what metalingual phrases are referring to (“Human relations,” “Place,” “Consciousness,” “Content,” or “Form”), it is necessary to be aware of general communication, and perceive Taigu consciousness through the correlation between metalingual phrases and communication.

3. Based on examples presented in this study, further elevation of Taigu consciousness can be expected through learning more diverse metalingual phrases.

4. It is necessary to focus on contexts containing metalingual phrases during the learning process.

5. Considering the reasons why one has referred to “Human relations,” “Place,” “Consciousness,” “Content,” or “Form” stimulates awareness of these frameworks, and probably elevates the knowledge and comprehension of Taigu consciousness as well.

Declaratives, interrogatives and imperatives are universal categories of mood, and many languages have modal categories for confirmation and solicitation. However, the use of these categories in context are not identical among languages. This situation can be explained by two hypotheses. Hypothesis A: Meanings of these categories are identical among languages, and the communication styles in each language affect the use of these categories in contexts. Hypothesis B: Meanings of these categories are not identical among languages, and therefore the use of these categories in contexts are different among languages.

It is often said that Japanese speakers tend to use interrogative sentences in contexts where Chinese speakers use imperative sentences or sentences for solicitation; and this tendency is usually regarded as the result of differences in communication styles between Japanese and Chinese. This interpretation is implicitly based on the assumption that the meanings of these sentences are identical between Japanese and Chinese, but in fact, the meanings of these sentences are systematically different between the two languages: Japanese interrogative sentences can be used with the same attitude as Chinese imperative sentences and sentences for solicitation; and Chinese sentences for solicitation can be used with the same attitude as Japanese interrogative sentences. The semantic differences in these sentences between Japanese and Chinese originate from the difference that the choice of modal types is dependent on the speaker’s recognition in Chinese, and on the outside world or the listener’s recognition in Japanese. The differences in the use of interrogative sentences, imperative sentences and sentences for solicitation between Japanese and Chinese should be explained, therefore, by Hypothesis B.

This study investigates influences on verbal behavior based on the speaker’s view of human relationships. The question is derived from the unease and mutual misunderstandings that arise from differences in the use of language when Japanese and Chinese meet. Seeking an explanation for differing perceptions of interpersonal relationships, the study proposes several frameworks to explain the interplay of language and social relationships.

How does “miànzi” affect the handling of personal relationships and put its stamp on the verbal behavior of Chinese speakers? Diagrams depicting the interpersonal relationships of Chinese and Japanese people show a differing view of such relationships and how “miànzi” for the Chinese and “seken” for the Japanese cause different verbal behavior. Taking “face” (the general concept) and its Chinese version (miànzi) into account, speech patterns of Chinese and Japanese people as they build and maintain relationships are analyzed.

Finally, a survey recently conducted in Beijing, which asked how people address one another, paying attention to the use of kinship terms is considered. Among young people, in particular, a variety of new words and word usages have emerged, while the extrapolative use of kinship terms for non-relatives and those in the public sphere, especially when addressing superiors, has not changed much.

This paper examines a number of keywords associated with “Taigu communication” and “Keigo communication.”

The keywords “teinei” and “hairyo” are sometimes used in the same context, yet these words have different meanings and usages. The term “teinei” refers to “behaving with one’s whole heart in a thoughtful manner, rather than in a rough manner.” With “teinei,” there are many cases in which taking the person to whom one is speaking into consideration is not necessary. The concept of “teinei” manifests as a type of comportment, i.e., a form by which a person actually behaves. On the other hand, “hairyo” is about “giving someone special treatment while considering one’s specific situation, usually a special or inadequate situation.” For “hairyo,” having another person to take into consideration is required.

The term “sonkei” is used with regard to another person. It involves “looking up to and wanting to emulate someone because his/her behavior and speech are magnificent.” Nevertheless, the recipient of “soncho” is not always a person. For “soncho,” there are special actions involved, and this includes the idea of “recognizing and taking good care of someone, without neglect.”

Other key words, such as “keii” and “seii,” are also examined here. The term “keii,” for example, has a meaning that is close to “sonkei.” This word is mainly used for a person and indicates a feeling of “respect,” for which, recently, the actual English word, “respect,” can be found in katakana in Japanese. However, “seii” includes one’s own feeling for the other person. The term “seii” is also related to “taigu and keigo communication,” which are now part of an entire research field that looks at ways used to express one’s own feelings toward another person. It is understood that ways of showing “seii” differ from culture to culture, or language to language.

Some key words mentioned here are commonly used, however, they are actually rather hard to define and translate into other languages. For this reason, they should be used with special care.