Prior to 2010, the social movement of gay males in mainland China has grown due to the forging of a close relationship with the HIV/AIDS prevention programs run by the Chinese government. However, after 2010, the core issue of the movement changed to “eliminating discrimination against sexual minorities.” This paper examines the process of this change in activism by reviewing and rethinking the history and current situation of the gay/AIDS movement in mainland China. Using the case study of the China AIDS Walk, as an example, I argue that first, the strategic compromises made by the gay/AIDS movement in China in response to an increasingly difficult political environment has also resulted in the creation of considerable space for practical activism. Second, the movement’s shift in focus from primarily HIV/AIDS prevention to anti-discrimination can partly be attributed to the rise of the lesbian movement and its call for the inclusion of lesbian and transgender women as sexual minorities. Finally, by looking into the activities of the China AIDS Walk in 2018, I will argue that although there is an obvious resistance to the government’s erasure of the gay/AIDS movement’s contribution to the public health system, the concentration on borrowing official discourses for legitimacy limits the movement’s potential in criticizing the normalization of able-bodiedness and Chinese nationalism.

  Raichō Hiratsuka eloquently wrote of her passionate affection for Kōkichi (Kazue) Otake in “Marumado yori: Chigasaki e Chigasaki e (Zatsuroku)” (From the round window: To Chigasaki, to Chigasaki (A miscellaneous note)), an essay published in Seitō (Bluestocking), the first journal written, edited, and published by women in Japan, in August 1912. Scholars and biographers have taken up Raichō’s works in the following years in which she imputes their affair to Kōkichi through identifying her as a sexual invert by referring to the knowledge of sexology and argued that this attitude shift attests to her conversion from a same-sex or (proto-)lesbian relationship to a heterosexual one after meeting with her lifelong male partner Hiroshi Okumura in the same summer. This paper instead investigates their bodily affective eroticism in “Chigasaki e Chigasaki e,” focusing especially on the scene in which Raichō intently looks at Kōkishi’s self-inflicted wound, which Kōkichi allegedly slashed out of her love for Raichō, and Raichō’s visceral reaction to it. Their bodily affective relationship, however, is subject to a transformation after Kōkichi receives a diagnosis of tuberculosis and admits herself to Nanko-in, a sanatorium in Chigasaki, following Raichō’s recommendation. Raichō’s later turnaround can be reformulated as an attempt to deal with the loss of her superior position and access to Kōkichi’s body, which is now given over to Western medicine. Her approach to sexology is based not only on her intention to comprehend their experience in terms of scientific knowledge but also her continued desire to dominate Kōkichi and her body.

  This article examines how demands for the rights of sexual/gender minorities (LGBT) in Israel resonates within discourses on Zionism and Jewish national identity. In recent years, studies on the movement for LGBT rights in Israel have almost exclusively been written from the perspective of Jasbir Puar’s concept of “homonationalism.” Yet these studies have paid little attention to the relationship of local Israeli nationalism, i.e., Zionism, and its connection to homonationalism. This article analyzes the following two examples to demonstrate how right-wing discourses within the LGBT movement, whose presence in the movement has grown significantly in recent years. These are not only associated with the recent homonationalist framework but also Zionism and Jewish national identity.

  The first example reveals how the pink triangle located outside the LGBT center in Tel Aviv plays an important role in a discourse seeking to emphasize the connection between homosexual persecution and Jewish victimhood during the show’s (Holocaust) and highlights efforts to reclaim the subjectivity of the Jewish nation. The second example is a placard reading, “You Have a Home,” a phrase originated by Likud Pride, the LGBT organization within Likud. This placard was often raised by members of Likud Pride as they walked in one of Israel’s Pride Marches. This slogan intersects and recalls the colonialist discourse on the establishment of a Zionist Jewish home. These examples indicate that the demand for LGBT rights was co-opted by Israel’s right-wing, as revealed by not only their homonationalist discourses relative to the war on terror, but also in the homonationalist discourses which align with the Zionist colonial discourse that seeks to: 1) rehabilitate and reform the image of the Jewish male citizenry, 2) establish Jewish heteronormative homes and 3) create a secular nation whose citizens enjoy the protection of western human rights.

  Two different surveys have revealed that the surgical abortion method called dilatation and curettage (D&C) is the method of choice for many Japanese OB-GYN doctors for early-term abortions: less than 12 weeks into the pregnancy. The doctors who conducted the second research admit that D&C has a significantly higher rate of complications than the aspiration method. However, they conclude that “there are no major problems with the safety of abortion care in Japan.” This paper considers why the doctors have reached such a conclusion and whether this conclusion is valid.

  As a result of detailed examinations of the doctors’ report, we have found that the selection of the comparison data, the method of comparison, and the method of citation are inappropriate and unusual. They conclude based on their arbitrarily selected data, which could hardly be called rational. Although there are mistakes that could be mere carelessness or coincidence, we suspect that the authors are intentional because everything has been manipulated to make us believe that “abortion in Japan is safe.”

  Moreover, we have analyzed their request for cooperation in the questionnaire survey to find their strong intentions to prove the safety of abortion in Japan. Furthermore, the study concludes that the aspiration method is safer than D&C but contradictorily states that there is no major problem with the safety of abortion in Japan. Therefore their purpose of the study is to conclude that abortion in Japan is safe.

  Thus, it seems highly likely that the reporters have been influenced by the common interests of the medical association members. Their conclusions of the report are questionable, and there is little evidence to support the continued acceptance of the use of D&C.