The purpose of this paper is to clarify how the category that applies to young people was carried out in national newspapers in Japan. Recent research in Japan criticizing discourses on the youth in mass media through empirical data has increased. Researchers insist that many of the discourses on the youth were stereotypes that ignored their diversity. However, in the only studies that are intended to dismantle the clarity of discourses on the youth, the question of why non-empirical discourses have been accepted by the reading public has been overlooked. Given these issues of concern, this research uses conceptual analysis in ethnomethodical research to understand how the category that applies to young people was carried out. Ethnomethodology aims to clarify the operational norms that make it possible to understand their act by describing how people use categories and concepts. In precious studies, other researches have focused on seinen and wakamono: seinen roughly means youth while wakamono means young people. The subject of analysis is articles in national newspapers from the 1950s to the 1960s, which used seinen and wakamono categories. This analysis revealed that in mass media the carrying out of seinen and wakamono as categories actually had various activities. These categories were never intended to be only stereotypes, rather they have allowed for many activities other than understanding the actual conditions of young people. Seinen was associated with organized institutions, with strong ties to educational oppotunities for men and women. Wakamono was associated with non-institutional groups, and it was also associated with the mass media's self-describing and synthesizing practice. By way of this function, these categories were affecting the way of segmentation and how newspapers create an understanding of young people.

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    Many policy issues are behind the recent eruption of challenges related to food and agriculture, and it is essential to confront these as political issues. For example, the elimination of tariffs on agricultural and livestock products, the decline in food self-sufficiency, inadequate policy support for producers, the ageing of producers and lack of successors, high food prices, and the spread of poverty and hunger. On the other hand, when discussing the limits of capitalist society, there has long been the view that food and agriculture should be common beyond market efficiency and economic rationalism.

    However, regarding food, various issues are often seen as something that should be solved by individual responsibility and competence. It will also be argued from the perspective of food washing that food narratives can sometimes even mask problems. Furthermore, public relations is examined as a type of ’democratic’ communication aimed at communicating risks about food safety, which is ’interactive’ and aims to build ’better relationships’. It further discussed how the boundary between propaganda and public relations can be unclear. The point at which information is seen as something that requires democratic control, making it harder for people to engage in their affairs, was discussed about government intelligence activities.

    As mentioned above, this paper discussed how the right to know must first be guaranteed when it comes to food sovereignty, but how difficult this has become. This paper also points out that no matter how depoliticised food becomes, it is a property that inevitably has to be linked to political action.

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