詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "アウクスブルクの和議"
2件中 1-2の結果を表示しています
  • 「象徴的標識」の視点からの一試論
    高山 巖
    国際政治
    2012年 2010 巻 160 号 160_48-63
    発行日: 2012/03/25
    公開日: 2012/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    It was in his monographic essay titled “Westphalia and All That” that international relations scholar Steven D. krasner criticized the “orthodox” view that the peace of Westphalia of 1648 marks the end of the old medieval world and the beginning of a new era in international relations history. Leo Gross, a prominent internationa law expert, had similarly maintained that Westphalia was the starting point for the development of modern international law and that it was “the majestic portal which leads from the old into the new world”. Krasner rejected both the “orthodox” and Gross' views as “wrong”.
    Krasner's criticism is based on three propositions; 1) “History is not so neatly compartmentalized”; Westphalia was neither an end nor a beginning; 2) The basic issue at Westphalia was not so much one of building a new international order based on sovereign equality of states as a more reaistic one of how the Holy Roman Empire, which had lost the war, would satisfy France and Sweden, which had won; 3)Contrary to the “orthodox” view, Westphalia was “past-oriented”, in the sense that most of the issues taken up there were those of the feudal period, such as hereditary succession, composition of the Diet, election of the Empperor, etc.
    The purpose of the present study is to place the “orthodox” and Gross' views against the background of Krasner's criticism in an effort to judge which side can provide more adequate and convincing evidence for a satisfactory interpretation of Westphalia. By employing what we propose to call a “symbolic monument” approach, which “constructs” history by connecting historical evidence with interpretation, we have examined such issues as the role of “world charters”, laicization of international law, the system of collective security, and the policy of prestige and diplomatic formalities, and arrived at the conclusion that the “orthodox” and Gross' views are convincing enough to warrant full recognition, while krasner fails to “construct” his own history to make his criticism meaningful. Criticism for the sake of criticism alone does not lead to a discerning knowledge and evaluation of historical realities. “Construction” of history must accompany criticism.We fully share, however, Krasner's admonition that history is not so neatly compartmentalized, and probably it is through the sharing of this admonition with him that a diaogue will begin between us.
  • 相川 裕亮
    アメリカ研究
    2024年 58 巻 35-56
    発行日: 2024/03/25
    公開日: 2024/05/11
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    In the realm of contemporary American politics, many researchers and media often focus on evangelical Christians who are conservative Protestants aligning with the Republican Party. However, not all American Christians are actively committed to party politics and support the Republican Party. This article sheds light on the diversity of American Christians’ engagement with political authority, exemplified by the progressive evangelical Christian Jim Wallis’s prophetic politics and Catholic theologian William Cavanaugh’s political theology.

    Historically, tension has persisted between political and Christian authority. In the Middle Ages, there were two universal authorities: the Pope and the emperor. Pope Gelasius placed Christian authority(i.e., Church authority)above imperial authority. Modern states, however, challenged these universal authorities and monopolized people’s loyalties. In the United States, evangelical leaders recognized the importance of Christian authority and the church, yet they loved political authority. During the Cold War, they encouraged politicians to embrace Christianity and supported devout politicians to make America a Christian nation.

    Jim Wallis criticized religious leaders. As an evangelical Christian, he censured “secular fundamentalists” for trying to purge faith from politics. Simultaneously, he scrutinized the Religious Right and the Bush administration, condemning their prideful belief in “God is on our side” and their adoption of a dualistic, good-evil approach which he termed “bad theology.” Like the Old Testament prophets, Wallis distanced himself from political authority. Drawing inspiration from Martin Luther King, he called upon political authorities and religious conservatives to follow the dictum, “we are on God’s side.”

    While Wallis and the religious Right differed in their distance from the current administration, they still shared the assumption that the United States needed pious Christians. In contrast, Cavanaugh believes the state is insufficient for achieving peace because it has borders, features violence, and limits religion to the private sphere or the realm of the soul. So, Cavanaugh proposes the church as an alternative to the state and envisions Christians worldwide uniting through the Eucharist.

    Although the focus tends to be on conservative evangelical leaders, there is an approach to contemporary American Christianity that confronts various political authorities, exemplified by Wallis and the discourse of “political theology.”

feedback
Top