It is the object of the present article to analyze and understand the characteristics of peace consciousness of Polybius who lived in the Hellenistic age of chronic wars and wrote a world history in the true sense. We can see in his book, especially in IV. 31. 3-8 and IV. 74. 3, what kind of attitude he took toward the problem of peace. There he wrote as follows: "That war is a terrible thing I agree, but it is not so terrible that we should submit to anything in order to avoid it. ......Peace indeed, with justice and honour is the fairest and most profitable of possessions, but when joined with baseness and disgraceful cowardice, nothing is more infamous and hurtful." Thus, Polybius insisted that liberty and justice were indispensable conditions for peace. We can also recognize the same idea of connecting peace with liberty and justice in many other Greek politicians and historians such as Thucydides. The Greek thought of peace, however, was metamorphosed gradually by historical conditions in the development of the ancient world. Thucydides advocated the war for justice and took a rather aggressive attitude against other city-states such as Sparta, putting stress on Athenian hegemony, although he admitted that peace was naturally desirable. His conception of peace could never depart far from the narrow idea of ομονοια within a πολι&b.sigmav;. The Greek idea of peace was widened by Isocrates to Panhellenistic homonoia, but he had a strong antagonism against Barbaroi. In the historical development of peace theory, the Hellenistic age played a very important role, giving birth to the cosmopolitan pacifism. This kind of pacifism, however, could not become a historical force to attain world peace, because it had a tendency to escape from reality. Though Polybius was influenced by Stoicism he was able to reach a sort of realistic pacifism and wanted to cooperate with Rome, cherishing the idea of a united and organic world consisting of the cultural Hellas and the political Rome, where the common freedom of Hellas should be fundamentally respected. Moreover, he evaluated highly the value of unions of city-states such as the Achaean league. He had not merely a Stoic, philosophic and abstract idea of cosmopolitanism, but a positive, ego-involving and realistic attitude of international cooperation. Thus, the freedom of Hellas as a condition of peace was connected by him with a kind of internationalism and with a Hellenistic idea of one organic world founded on the principle of equality among races and nations. In this sense, we may recognize that Polybius was indeed a pioneer of realistic pacifism, that is of internationalism, though of course in an ancient pattern, which has its limitations for us. It was regrettable after all that the ancient world could not develop this kind of pacifism, but had to seek for a key to solve its problems in Pax Romana and eventually in Pax Dei.

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In this paper, I wish to consider the effects of Agis IV's reforms on the Spartan community with particular references to the redistribution of land (anaplerosis) and its significance. When Agis ascended the throne, economic polarization, especially the concentration of land and the so-called origanthropia had reached extremes. The Spartiatai werereduced to 700, of which only 100 were rich men who had kleros and land. Ochlos, i.e. people without means who had been stripped of their civic rights, were watching for some opportunity for change and revolution. Agis and Cleomenes III, their main aim being personal glory and the restoration of Spartan hegemony in Greece, conceived or executed plans to distribute the land and increase the number of citizens. Cleomenes' land-distribution scheme consisted of a complete division of Spartan land. It was first distributed to Spartiatai, then to suitable perioikoi and foreigners. Agis' plan was similar. The distribution of kleros to the suitable perioikoi and the foreigners meant their enfranchisement and this was anaplerosis. It seems that the main beneficiaries of these reforms were the men deprived of civic rights who had been on the increase at that time and thus the new laws seem tohave been aimed at hypomeiones, i.e. ochlos first of all, though there is no mention of them in the sources. As for perioikoi and helots, Agis and Cleomenes did not intend to change their institutions which were the bases of the Lykurgan regime. However Cleomenes enfranchised some able bodied perioikoi to increase the number of soldier-citizens. He also freed 6,000 helots, though he did not make them citizens, in order to raise war funds just before the battle of Sellasia. So the attempt to reconstruct the Spartan community by anaplerosis seems to suggest that the Spartan political system was already in the process of dissolution, revealed by the enfranchisement of perioikoi and foreigners and the emancipation of helots. When Nabis ascended the throne in 207, he expelled rich and illustrious men, and distributed their land to poor citizens, emancipated slaves, i.e. ex-helots and mercenaries. We cannot confirm whether the entire Spartan land was the object of his land-distribution, but it was on a large scale. The intention was to reinforce the Spartan army as Agis and Cleomenes had also intended. The emancipated slaves mentioned by Polybios and Livius were not cattle slaves or neodamodeis, but helots. Though they were enrolled in the citizen-body, their emancipation did not mean the abolition of heiloteia. That the number of ex-helots was large gives us the impression that heiloteia lasted as an institution, but almost lost its substance. As for perioikoi however, there are no references to them in the sources. Some scholars assume that they were also enfranchised, which I think is very possible. In any case, Sparta was deprived of its maritime cities populated by perioikoi under the provisions of the peace with Rome, thus losing one of the important foundations of Spartan society. Therefore Nabis entirely changed and dissolved the Spartan social structure. The serious loss of man power in battles and the increase of new citizens considerably reduced the proportion of the old Spartiatai to the former deriving from perioikoi, helots and mercenaries. The reform movement was intended to reconcile the Spartans to the Lykurgan regime, to reinforce the Spartan armies and create a hegemony in the Peloponnesus by reorganizing the citizen-body. Nevertheless it resulted in the introduction of perioikoi and helots into the body of citizens and changed the quality of the Spartan community, undermining the Spartan social structure. After Nabis fell, the institution of perioikoi almost collapsed and it became doubtful how far heiloteia fulfilled its function. The possibility cannot be denied, as Busolt, Roussel and Shimron think, that as the result of

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This essay focuses on two Spartan reforms in late-third century B.C. Agis IV intended the cancellation of debts, the redistribution of lands and the enlargement of the Spartan citizen-body. The rich and the elderly opposed to Agis' reforms, but they were divided among themselves. On the other hand, Agis' supporters included not only the poor, the young and the ochloi without resources and civic rights (=hypomeiones), but some of the rich and the elderly. The latter were especially active in his support. He also found his adherents among the gerontes, too. At first glance, Agis' supporters overwhelmingly outnumbered his opponents. But there were also factors which divided Agis supporters. His scheme for redistribution of lands aimed at restoring ochloi to citizenship and were meant to increase the number of citizens by more than six times. Therefore citizens who had sufficient lands to maintain their civic rights would not have been supporting this part of his reform. In addition, the land reform would be a distinct blow to big landowners. These were potential causes for division among Agis' supporters. Finally, Agis' attempt to achieve his reforms by means of constitutional procedure was also a problem, because ochloi who were latently his most active supporters could not actually participate in the constitutional process. In contrast, some fifteen years later, Kleomenes carried out his reforms secretly and by force. He succeeded with the aid of relatives and friends (philoi). Thus, we can not know the attitudes of the various social classes toward his reforms. Kleomenes accomplished the redistribution of lands and conferred citizenship not only upon the hypomeiones and perioikoi, but also upon foreigners (xenoi). Nevertheless he could not overstep the limits imposed by the Lycurgan constitution. And eventually he was defeated by the allied forces of Macedonia and the Achaean League. After the battle of Sellasia, Antigonos allowed those who had been exiled by Kleomenes to return to Sparta. The returned exiles then ruled Sparta as an oligarchy, using the ephoroi and the gerousia. However, the new citizens admitted by Kleomenes maintained their status under the new government. There were two reasons for this. First, the exiles could take back as much land as they had had before, because there was a great deal of land whose owners had either lost their lives at Sellasia or fled to Egypt with Kleomenes. So the exiles were willing to submit to Antigonos' measures. Second, Antigonos needed to maintain the balance of power in the Peloponnesus in order to maintain his influence over the Peloponnesians. It was therefore convenient for him to allow the Spartans to keep the same degree of military power as before in order to prevent the Achaeans and the Aetolians from interfering in Spartan affairs.

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Both isegoria and parrhesia have the meaning "free speech", which seems to have been indispensable to the Greeks, especially the Athenians The aim of this paper is to inquire into the relationship between isegoria and parrhesia, two ways of realizing free speech at meeting It is noteworthy that the parrhesia, which came into being about the last third of the fifth century BC, came to be used widely in a short time and invaded the large sphere of the word isegoria What does this mean historically? The essence of isegoria is manifest in the expression heralds conventionally used to urge free speech in the assembly "Who wishes to address the assembly?" On the other hand, according to Aischines, the expression was formerly as follows . "Who of those above fifty years of age wishes to address the assembly?", this practice of addressing according to age was aimed at obtaining the best counsel for the polis, though it went out of fashion in Aischines' day An attitude of πολει χρηστον (rendering service to polis), which also is proclaimed in Euripides' Suppliants' "Who desires to bring good counsel for his polis to the people?", predominated among Athenians in the moderate democracy It declined remarkably, however, with the rise in radical democracy and the spread of individualism Moreover, we must consider the growth of class antagonism between οι χρηστοι and οι πονηροι, as is proven in Pseudo-Xenophon, Ath Pol 1 2, 1 6, 1 9, 3 12-13 In this situation, the word χρηστοζ might be viewed with a strong tincture of classconsciousness The multitude must have had some doubt as to whether the practice of addressing according to age and the principle of πολει χρηστον were serviceable to them or to οι χρηστοι alone They did away with that practice and introduced the parrhesia, by which every citizen could speak out on whatever he regarded as important and right, free of the restrictions of πολει χρηστον The shift in stress from isegoria to parrhesia corresponded with the momentous change in the actuality and the sense of polis-community

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“Ferrarese Pastoral” is a series of pastoral dramas which was written in Ferrara during the latter half of the 16^th century. The series include Agostino Beccari's Il Sacrificio (1554), Alberto Lollio's Aretusa (1563), Agostino Argenti's Lo Sfortunato (1567), Torquato Tasso's Aminta (1573), and Battista Guarini's Il Pastor fido (1590). Except for Aminta, all of the above-mentioned pastoral dramas are set in Arcadia.

This paper attempts to reveal why Tasso did not choose Arcadia as a set in Aminta, and then to discuss where the plot is actually set. The analysis of the texts of “Ferrarese Pastoral” leads to the conclusion that in Aminta, Tasso did not intend the return of the Golden Age, which inevitably happens in Arcadia. This is in contrast with Il Pastor fido whose subject is solely the return of the Golden Age. The set of Aminta is the woods surrounding Ferrara, which is Tasso's means of criticizing the city of Ferrara and the Este's court where Tasso himself served as a poet.

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