This paper introduces Germany’s recent educational policy situation and gives some consideration to it, outlining the political trend in these years. In the German Parliamentary election held in 2017, the“Alternative fürDeutschland”(AfD), which strongly opposes the government’s refugee acceptance policy, has made a big leap forward. Germany has a strong economy at the moment, but it faces a difficult problem with regard to its politics. Concerning the educational policies, three can be cited as educational measures that Germany is focusing on : expansion of“Ganztagsschule”(all-day school), strengthen- ing of the pre-school language education and introduction of the legally binding educational standard. It is also interesting that a national attainment test, named VERA, just like in Japan is introduced. It is also striking that many schools implement short-term intensive German education by establishing so called“welcome class”in order to promote the integration of immigrant children. The present German educational policy can be seen as a“bricolage”against various problems rather than a systematic program based on a consistent political philosophy.

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Dans ce traite, on se propose d'abord d'etudier les caracteristiques du monachisme clunisien, et puis examiner les conditions reelles de son developpement sous l'abbatiat de Saint Odilon. Ce qui constitue l'originalite du monachisme clunisien, comme par exemple la celebration chorale de l'office divin, l'importance extreme attachee a la messe quotidienne et conventuelle et la devotion a l'Eucharistie, c'est, en un mot, l'ascetisme liturgique. La vie liturgique a besoin de beaucoup de pretres et diacres, de sorte qu'elle a pousse de nombreux moines (le tiers de l'effectif au moins) a recevoir le clericature. La tendance a l'apostolat (l'action pastorale), l'independance de l'autorite episcopale, la formation de l'ordre exempt, tout cela se rattache etroitement a l'usage du sacerdoce des moines (il sacerdozio dei monaci). Vers l'an mil, Cluny etait consideree comme le centre de la priere intermediaire a cause de sa observation rigoureuse (districtio ordinis) de la Regle de Saint Benoit. La noblesse laique et ecclesiastique recevait la confraternite (confraternitas) des moines de Cluny. Elle etait admise a l'association particulierement intime aux prieres et aux aumones de Cluny et de ses prieures. L'augmentation du nombre du culte des moines, dont la place centrale etait donnee aux messes privees et psalmodies, fut une des causes de la popularite de Cluny. Par consequent, la celebre abbaye bourguignonne s'enfichit par des donations venues de toute la chretiente au nom du precaire (precaria). Cluny, aidee par le desir des precaristes (non seulement les petits paysans alleutiers et les petits et moyens seigneurs, mais aussi les grands proprietaires fonciers) de conserver surement leurs alleux ou seigneuries allodiales et de faire des maisons clunisiennes une zone neutre, obtint l'autonomie presque totale a la fin du X^e siecle. Cluny, en gardant une habile neutralite, adopta la politique de la balance des pouvoirs vis-a-vis des puissances locales. Mais la grandeur de Cluny, c'est qu'elle a reussi a organiser des croisades bourguignonnes et aquitaines, a mobiliser beaucoup de chevgliers francais au-dela des Pyrenees et a realiser la "Veredelung des ritterlichen Lebens" (H.Mitteis). Le monachisme clunisien s'etablit par la creation de la congregation qui fut centralisee pour se defendre contre le monde anarchique ; L'effort de reduire des abbayes au rang des simples celles, la profession obligatoire des moines aupres de l'abbe de Cluny, le droit de nomination et de destitution des prieurs possede par le chef de l'ordre, les visites frequentes effectuees par le superieur de Cluny en personne, le payement d'un cens annuel a Cluny, tout cela est le moyen employe pour confirmer la suprematie absolue de l'abbe de Cluny et pour constituer et maintenir "monachorum bellicus ordo" (Adalberon) hierarchise. Gregoire V conccde en 998 aux clunisiens le privilege de s'adresser a l'eveque qu'ils veulent pour les ministeres pontificaux, telles que les ordinations et les consecrations. En 1024, Jean XIX interdit aux eveques d'excommunier et anathematiser les religieux du monastere de Cluny, en quelque endroit qu'ils se trouvent (ubicunque Positi). Un peu apres 1030, l'ordre de Cluny acheva sa periode de formation ; L'entree de Gauzlin, eveque de Macon, a Cluny pour y embrasser la vie monastique (en 1030) et le refus d'Odilon d'assumer la charge de l'archeveche de Lyon (en 1030) en temoignent. Le developpement de l'autorite de l'ordre exempt de Cluny entraine necessairement l'expansion de son rayon d'action. En France, le pouvoir de l'abbe de Cluny s'exercait sur environ 80 monasteres. La plupart d'entre eux se trouvaient en Bourgogne et en

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Sidi Bou Said is located on the outskirts of Tunis, Tunisia's capital. The town's name comes from its patron saint, the 13th century great mystic, Abu Said al-Beji. In the center of the city is a mausoleum/mosque which enshrines this holy personage. In addition to this main mosque, there are many smaller mausoleums for the lesser religious sages Today, activities of the sufi botherhood, the tariqa of the Isawiyya are also vigorous in this town. The aim of this paper is to explore and analyze the various facets of the religious life, namely the saint cults, the activities of the Isawiyya, as well as the daily prayers in the mosque, using the conceptual framework of "religious complex". In past studies on the maraboutism and the sufi brotherhoods, such as that of Isawiyya which is well known for its eccentric practices, there has been a tendency to contrast these religious practices with "orthodox Islam", represented mainly by the ulama(Islamic scholars). This inclination can also be clearly observed in anthropological literature. For instance, employing R. Redfield's terms, "great tradition" and "little tradition", orthodox Islam is assigned to the former, whereas maraboutism is relegated to the latter; the contrasting feature is also seen in the description of the former as "the characteristics of urban religion" whereas the latter incorporates "the characteristics of religion in a tribal society". In the large number of research done by French administrators and scholars on "lc culte des saints" and "les confreries religieuses", one also notices that these various religious elements are treated independently or in isolation, and there have been few comprehensive studies that investigate and analyze the interaction of these religious factors. In this paper, the case study of Sidi Bou Said is presented and analyzed with a particular focus on the religious complex and its interrelated elements. However the term "religious complex" is not intended to be used merely as a conclusion, since such an approach does not shed enough light on the actual state of the phenomenon. My intention here is rather to use this concept as a starting point to explore and clarify this formation process and its actual situation; namely how this religious complex has been historically formed, and how these religious elements combine and interact in the present circumstances. In Section I, the subject of my study and the analytical framework will be introduced. In Section II, to provide background information, the general history of Sidi Bou Said is overviewed. The history of this locality can be divided and characterized by some specific roles which it has played through the vicissitudes of time. First of all, it was a military base in Phoenician and Roman times; later in the beginning of the Arab-Islamic period, it became a locale for a ribat; and in the 12th century, it became an ascetic religious hermitage for the sufis and saints; with the development of the graveyards for these holy personages, it became a sacred area. After the 18th century, during the Husainid era, it was transformed into a summer resort for the bourgeoisie from Tunis, including the Beyrical family. Since the 1960's, it has been a popular tourist area with those traditional resort residences. In Section III, the formation process of the religious complex of Sidi Bou Said is described and analyzed. The existing religious facilities, namely the mosque, saints' mausoleums, zawiya (religious lodge), and the religious organization (the Isawiyya brotherhood) are examined as the analytical indices. The location of the mausolem/mosque of Sidi Bou Said today was originally the grave of the sufi who died in 1231. A little latter, under Hafsid, a small praying spot was built over it. In the beginning of the 18th century,

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