We are now in a period of intense debate about nationalism, socialism and revolution in Africa, especially in independent African states where the formal tranfer of state power from the colonialist to an African local governing class has not been accompanied by any substantial and significant transformation and change in the social and economic structure. The popular masses will ask themselves whether independence was really worth the effort and whether it was the long-awaited salvation from centuries of oppression, exploitation and deprivation. In this inevitable discussion, many names will crop up: Frantz Fanon, Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Patrice Lumumba, Eduardo Mondlane, Agostinho Neto and Amilcar Cabral. All these African patriots have provided us with methods and ideas worth considering, even if we do not always agree with them.
When we concentrate in this article on the political ideas of Amilcar Cabral, it is not because his contribution is more important than that of the others, nor do we intend to play his political thought about national liberation and revolution in Africa. Cabral distinguished himself among modern revolutionaries and became one of the world's outstanding theoreticians of anti-imperialist national liberation movement. We shall limit our discussion to his speech pronounced in the name of the people of Portuguese colonies to the First Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Conference (Havana, 3rd-12th Jan. 1966).
The composition of this report Basis and Aims of the National Liberation is the following. I, On the Imperialist Domination; Introduction, 1. Our Historical Personality, 2. Stages of Historical Development, 3. Imperialism, 4. Characteristics of the Imperialist Domination, II, On the National Liberation; 1. National Liberation and Revolution, 2. Unfavorable Factors for the National Liberation Movement, 3. The Anti-colonialist Struggle, 4. The Anti-neo-colonialist Struggle, 5. Forms and Social Contents of the Struggle. In this article, we shall consider the part II On the National Liberation.

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1974年にはじまるエチオピアの社会主義体制への移行は, 周辺農村社会に大きな変動をもたらした。本稿は, 中央からの強い介入を受けてきたエチオピア西南部のコーヒー栽培地帯を事例に, デルグ政権 (1974-91) の社会主義的な農業・土地政策が農村部に与えた影響を実証的なデータにもとづいて検討していく。なかでも農民と土地との関係がいかに変化してきたか, ということに注目した。
コーヒー栽培農村が経験してきた歴史をたどると, デルグ政権の政策は, 農民がそれまで柔軟に利用していた土地を厳格な国家体制に組み込んだだけでなく, 農民たちを社会主義的な組織に編入・統合しようとするものであった。また土地所有動態の分析から, 20世紀初頭からはじまっていたさまざまな民族の流入と定着といった現象が, デルグ時代に加速度的に進行してきたという事実が明らかになった。この周辺地域からの大量の移民流入は,土地への圧力を高め, 土地不足という新たな問題を引き起こしただけでなく, 解体されたはずの不安定な小作制を現在でも存続させる要因ともなっている。国家政策の強い介入にもかかわらず, かならずしも中央の政策の意図通りに農村社会の変容が進展してきたわけではない。農村社会の直面する動態的な変容過程を理解するためには, そうした国家の制度的枠組みを超えた地域独自の動きに注目していく必要がある。

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本論文は, ガーナ南部ファンティ社会の宮廷太鼓合奏フォントムフロムにおけるハイライフ様式の成立過程を独立後のガーナの文化政策との関わりの中で明らかにしようとするものである。ガーナのポピュラー音楽, ハイライフの様式を導入したフォントムフロムは1970年代に三人の音楽関係者の手によって成立・発展した。そしてその過程には, ガーナ独立後のンクルマ政権のネーション・ビルディングに向けた文化政策が深く関わっていた。「アフリカの個性」概念に表れたンクルマの政治理念はきわめて伝統主義的であり, その文化政策は伝統教育を推進するとともに, 伝統的な音楽舞踊に基づいた新しい国民文化を創出するために「国民劇場運動」を展開するというものであった。伝統教育と国民文化創出という独立後の大きな文化運動の流れの中で, 一人は音楽教育者としてフォントムフロム教育の中で伝統の再編を試み, 後の二人は楽師としてそれをさらに発展させ, 宮廷太鼓合奏にポピュラー音楽の要素を取り入れて新しい様式を誕生させた。フォントムフロムにおけるハイライフ様式の成立は, その意味でンクルマ政権の文化政策の所産と見ることができる。

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Weber's work on the relations of Protestantism and modern capitalism attracts much attention even today because of its methodological importance, and gives useful suggestions for studies of social change in Afro-Asian societies.
Two points should be taken into consideration when Weber's theory is referred. One points is that the spirit of capitalism means not only capitalist spirit but also labourer's spirit. Second point is about the relationships among motivation, action and its effect. Calvinists' motivation with their interest in salvation had peculiar bearing on their actions in the secular sphere, and gave birth to the spirit of capitalism. However this was unintended effect. Complicated relationships between motivation and effect should be considered in special reference to structural conditions. I studied these points in this article.
Socialism is one of the most important spiritual bases for social reforms in developing societies. Reforms are tried subjective-rationally (not necessarily objective-rationally) to perform by political leaders. Then the spirit of socialism often remains being only socialist spirit, and doesn't grow to people's spirit. African socialism with special reference to Tanzanian case was analysed from this point of view. Through this I considered the problem of social change and people's way of life.

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  The purpose of this paper is to examine how the concept of citizenship is interpreted in the United Republic of Tanzania’s (hereafter Tanzanian) civics/ general studies education. The focus of this paper is on civics/ general studies teachers in public secondary schools in Dar es Salaam, the largest city in Tanzania. This study reveals how teachers interpret the concept of citizenship as indicated in the nationally provided syllabus, by referring to the value and practice of communal society in Tanzania.

  Citizenship and citizenship education in non-western societies, namely those post-authoritarian, post-colonial, and post-socialist societies, have recently received greater interest in the discourse of comparative education. For instance, the British Association for International and Comparative Education (2018) published a special issue on citizenship education in a non-western context. Also, the World Council of Comparative Education Societies held its first symposium in South Africa, titled “Comparative Education for Global Citizenship, Peace and Harmony through Ubuntu” in 2018. Many scholars have pointed out the limited discussion on a comprehensive understanding of citizenship education in non-western contexts. A growing interest is reflected by these critics; this can be understood as an attempt to further the understanding of the concept of citizenship. By examining its reinterpretation and recontextualization, referring to the indigenous values and practices in non-western societies, this study may deepen the understanding of the diversifying and expanding view of citizenship and citizenship education.

  Tanzania is a distinctive country which has been living within the value of communal society. Thoughts of communal society originates in their philosophy of nation building, called Ujamaa. This is a well-known philosophy enunciated by Julius Nyerere, the first president of Tanzania, around the time of independence in the 1960s. It is a value respecting mutuality and equality in “traditional” communities. While political regimes have changed in the intervening period, the value and practice of the communal society is still widely recognized and respected today by Tanzanian citizens. However, until now, there has been no discussion on their understanding of citizenship reflecting its value and practice. Therefore, this paper examines the concept of citizenship as it is understood by the civics/general studies teachers in Tanzania in comparison to those indicated in the nationally provided syllabus, paying careful attention to those values and practices.

  This study was conducted through a qualitative approach. Fieldwork took place in six public secondary schools in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania from October to December 2018, and July to August 2019. The data obtained includes several formal and informal semi-structured interviews of 17 teachers and observations of their classroom activities.

  The current syllabus (2005, 2009) has replaced that of 1996, which was criticized of being content based and insufficient to provide education for active citizenship. The new syllabus aims to enable students to attain competencies to effectively participate in a democratic society. It advises teachers to use participatory and learner centered strategies in order to enhance learning.

  The findings are as follows. (1) Students’ participation is often restricted by teachers in contrast to what is suggested in the syllabus. It is not only the lack of resources nor the low quality of teachers, which has been already pointed out in previous studies, but also the teachers themselves who purposefully avoided student participation. Silence and obedience were preferred by teachers in order to conduct classes effectively passing information to students. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

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