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『《戯曲集》紛争地域から生まれた演劇12』

（収録作 ── モティ・レルネル『イサク殺し』村井華代訳）

村井華代

演劇学論集日本演劇学会紀要
2021年 73 巻 144
発行日: 2021/12/15
公開日: 2021/12/24

DOI https://doi.org/10.18935/jjstr.73.0_144

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書評：Barry Rubin, The Transformation of Palestinian Politics: From Revolution to State-Building.

Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999, xi+288pp.

立山良司

アジア経済
2001年 42 巻 5 号 83-86
発行日: 2001/05/15
公開日: 2023/03/29

DOI https://doi.org/10.24765/ajiakeizai.42.5_83

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書評：John Keay, Sowing the Wind: The Seeds of Conflict in the Middle East.

New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company, 2003, xix+506pp.

江崎智絵

アジア経済
2005年 46 巻 3 号 91-94
発行日: 2005/03/15
公開日: 2023/02/20

DOI https://doi.org/10.24765/ajiakeizai.46.3_91

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イラン・パペ著『パレスチナの民族浄化 ―イスラエル建国の暴力』・『イスラエルに関する十の神話』

金城美幸

ユダヤ・イスラエル研究
2019年 33 巻 89-
発行日: 2019年
公開日: 2022/11/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.20655/yudayaisuraerukenkyu.33.0_89

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非国家主体の対外関係とその規定要因

――ハマースを事例として――

江﨑智絵

国際政治
2019年 2019 巻 195 号 195_108-195_122
発行日: 2019/03/25
公開日: 2019/05/16

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji.195_108

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The Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) has gained much support from its sponsor states including Iran and Syria, which has been a cause of deep concern for Israel. The biggest problem for Israel is that Hamas has been launching missiles from the Gaza Strip, which it has controlled since June 2007. Some of these missiles are said to have been supplied by Iran. In response, Israel imposed a land and air blockade on Gaza and attacked Hamas military base in Gaza three times between December 2008 and August 2014. However, in October 2011, Hamas and Israel held a prisoner exchange deal, mediated by Egypt. Why did Hamas climb down to a prisoner exchange deal with hostile Israel? What was Hamas’s logic behind managing its foreign relations in this manner?
Previous studies on Hamas’s foreign relations indicate that the organization behaves according to political expediency rather than ideology and religious solidarity. This means that Hamas acts flexibly in response to the context it finds itself situated in. These foreign strategies need to be verified further, with a focus on a case that changed the relations between Hamas and the involved countries. Therefore, this paper examines the background of prisoner exchange deal between Hamas and Israel in the context of deteriorating relations between Hamas and its sponsor states.
The results of this study are summarized as follows. First, Hamas agreed to a prisoner exchange with Israel to minimize the damage resulting from Iran’s suspension of financial support. When civil war broke out in Syria in 2011, Hamas did not accept Iran’s request to support the Syrian regime and thus weakened its relations with Iran. Harking back to Hamas’s historical background would bear out that they were inclined to support the Syrian people’s aspiration. Thus, Hamas leaders in the Gaza Strip who were most effected by the waning financial assistance from Iran needed Egypt to ease the blockade imposed on the area. For them, an indirect negotiation with Israel on a prisoner exchange presented a good opportunity to reach out to Egypt, which played a mediator role in the negotiation.
Second, Hamas’s rational for entering a prisoner exchange deal with Israel indicates that Hamas exercises flexibility in fostering relations with foreign countries. It is inevitable for a non-state actor such as Hamas to need the support of other countries as much as possible. Factors such as ideology and religious solidarity would not go well with this aim because they limit the number of countries to which Hamas can appeal for support.

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中東における核拡散の現状と問題点

立山良司

アジア研究
2007年 53 巻 3 号 57-71
発行日: 2007/07/31
公開日: 2014/09/30

DOI https://doi.org/10.11479/asianstudies.53.3_57

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It has long been believed that Israel has acquired a significant number of nuclear weapons and various types of delivery systems. However, Israel has maintained a policy of nuclear ambiguity or opacity, under which it has not officially admitted or denied its possession of nuclear weapons.Its refusal to concede to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the United States’ attitude of turning a blind eye to Israel’s nuclear arsenal pose a serious challenge to the international nonproliferation regime.
Iran’s challenge to the NPT regime differs both from the Israeli and North Korean cases. Since the Iranian opposition group disclosed Iran’s secret nuclear program in 2002, further doubtsabout the real purpose of this program have been raised, and now it is believed that Iran is about to cross the nuclear threshold. The UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolutions ordering Iran to suspend all sensitive nuclear activities and imposed sanctions on the country.Despitethis, Iran has intensified its enrichment activities on the grounds that under the NPT it is the unalienable right of a sovereign state to develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes.
In the Middle East both Iraq and Libya have in the past tried to develop nuclear weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). Some other states in the region havereportedly acquired chemical and/or biological weapons. The main driving force for the acquisition of WMDs is the complexity of the regional security environment. As well as the Palestine problem and the Arab–Israeli conflict, which have caused a number of confrontations, there are also a number of other sources of instability that have created multidimensional antagonism in the region. In addition, political leaders have competed with each other to acquire political symbols relating to Arabism and Islamism. Their intense competitions have accelerated rivalries over nuclear and other WMDs as symbols of power in the region.
The notion of a Middle East nuclear-free zone, or a WMD-free zone, has been on international and regional agenda for more than 30 years, but no progress towards realizing this has been made.In order to prevent further nuclear proliferation, the idea of a nuclear-free zone should be addressed more seriously.
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イスラエルの安全保障観

現代の安全保障

木村修三

国際政治
1979年 1979 巻 63 号 55-68,L3
発行日: 1979/10/15
公開日: 2010/09/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji1957.63_55

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(1) Israel is not a militaristic state although she is a model of ‘nation-in- arms’ in the sense that military defense occupies the center of her people's life.
(2) The reason why Israel is ‘nation-in-arms’ is due to the fact that she was surrounded by hostile countries which do not recognize her legitimacy as a state, and that she has actually fought four times with them in the past. In addition to this, holocaust analogy and ‘Masada complex’ which are latent in the psychology of Israelis, highten terror in their heart.
(3) But, up to now, Israel has never faced the critical situation in which she could be actually annihilated. Rather, she has always won overwhelming victory in the past wars, with the only exception of the Yom Kippur War. At the same time, it is an undeniable fact that the terror of annihilation has been utilized for the justification of her intransigent policy.
(4) Israel has tried to persuade the Arab states for their recognition of Israeli's legitimacy as a state, while totally rejecting the wish of Palestinians for the establishment of their independent state. After the end of Six-Day-War, Israel has made every efforts to secure her security on the basis of tei ritorialism by bringing out the conception of ‘defensible borders’.
(5) If Israel wishes to secure the true security, it might be indispensable for her to recognize the Palestinians' legitimate rights of self-determination through peaceful settlement, in stead of insisting the conception of security on the basis of territorialism.
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現代イスラエルにおける軍隊と女性

女性の軍隊経験の語りから

澤口右樹

日本中東学会年報
2019年 35 巻 2 号 33-70
発行日: 2020/01/15
公開日: 2021/03/31

DOI https://doi.org/10.24498/ajames.35.2_33

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This study analyzes the relationship between the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and women. Institutional gender equality is being achieved in the IDF because of a universal conscription system, social networks developed by military personnel, and the cultural function of the IDF. The context of sexual minorities in contemporary Israel also influences the IDF’s gender structure. At the same time, the IDF maintains a male-dominated gender structure because of occupational limitations within the military, obstacles to obtaining civil leadership roles following military service, and gender-cultural beliefs. The IDF also faces unique complications, including the political context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the influence of Jewish Orthodoxy. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict encourages the IDF to represent female soldiers as symbols of gender equality in order to obtain international legitimacy. Israel’s occupation policy of West Bank and Gaza Strip also undermines women’s status because the IDF sees male combatants as ideal soldiers. Stemming from Judaism, religious groups have caused the IDF to establish gender segregation. Finally, Judaism sometimes encourages women to join the military based on nationalistic motivations. This gender structure influences women’s gender norms. Through survey interviews with women who served in the IDF, military service was found to function as an opportunity for women’s empowerment. This study found differences in women’s sense of empowerment depending on their social class and occupation in the military. However, this article also points out that this empowerment was restricted by the military’s gender-dichotomous norms, in which “strength” is seen as masculine and “weakness” is viewed as feminine. These norms were reproduced in the women’s assumptions about members of sexual minorites. To conclude, the achievement of institutional gender equality in the IDF strengthens and reproduces existing gender norms in contemporary Israel.
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