本稿は、イスタンブル・ムフティー局附属文書館所蔵の文書にもとづき、オスマン帝国が1889-90年に日本に派遣したエルトゥールル号に関する新事実を紹介する。その文書からは、スルタン・アブデュルハミト二世がエルトゥールル号によって日本にを派遣してイスラームの普及を図ろうとした、という実現しなかった計画が明らかになった。スルタンは、エルトゥールル号派遣の直前にシェイヒュルイスラームにの派遣を打診し、日本でイスラームの知識を教えることのできる人物を選ぶよう依頼した。その文書（スルタンの勅旨）によれば、日本人は「啓典の民」ではないが、近年の進歩の実績に鑑みれば、近いうちに多神教を捨てて一神教を受け入れる傾向があるのだという。しかし、スルタンは、日本に派遣されるべきに英語あるいはフランス語の能力を求めて、最初に選ばれた二名の人物を却下したため、結果的に君主の要望に見合う人物は見つからなかった。こうして、エルトゥールル号によるの日本派遣の企図は廃案となった。実現しなかったとはいえ、日本への宗教使節派遣案が出されたという事実は、アブデュルハミト二世のイスラーム政策について新しい観点を提供する。今日の研究では、エルトゥールル号の派遣は、インドや東南アジアのムスリムに対するプロパガンダの手段であったと解釈され、日本のイスラーム化は問題外だったとされる。しかし、本稿が用いた史料は、アブデュルハミト二世が世界のムスリムの結束のみならず、イスラーム教徒のいない地域への宣教活動をも視野に入れていたことを示している。また、日本人のイスラーム改宗という発想は、日露戦争後にオスマン人や世界のムスリムの間で広く流通し、日本がイスラームを国教とする用意があるといった根拠のない噂が流布した。しかし、本稿で紹介した文書は、日本のイスラーム化という発想が、より以前の時期に遡り、アブデュルハミト二世がその初期の提唱者の一人であったことを示している。いずれにしてもこの発案は実現せず、その後もスルタンが日本に宗教指導者を派遣することはなかった。しかし、エルトゥールル号事件の生存者と遺族への義捐金を届けにイスタンブルに渡った時事新報記者野田正太郎が、しばらく後にイスラームに改宗すると、彼の帰国とともに日本にが派遣されて改宗が進められていると外国の新聞で報道された。その意味でアブデュルハミト二世は、を派遣せずに、派遣したのと同じ効果を国際世論に反映させることに成功したのである。日本への派遣の試みもまた、その意味でアブデュルハミト二世のイメージ政策の枠組みのなかで理解されるべきであろう。

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Yemen is situated in the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula. In 626/1228 the Sunni dynasty of Rasulids (626-858/1228-1454) conquered Lower Yemen, and thereafter they were constantly pitted against the Zaydi Imamate that ruled over Upper Yemen. The Rasulids built many madrasa in Zabid, the largest city in the Tihama, for the purpose of training and protecting the Sunni ‘ulama’. This measure was taken in order to assert the legitimacy of their rule over Yemen and prevent the advance of the Zaydi Imamate. Under the Rasulids there existed several distinguished families who produced a succession of ‘ulama’. These families included the Banu 'Ujayl, Banu al-Manbah, and another was the Banu al-'Imran, who are taken up for consideration in the present article.
In the 6th/12th century the Banu al-'Imran, who had living in the Tihama, migrated to the village of Masna'a near the city of al-Janad in the southern highlands of Lower Yemen. Because the Banu al-'Imran had already produced several renowned ‘ulama’, the ‘ulama’ of this region began coming to study under members of the family. During the reign of the Rasulids sultan al-Muzaffar Yusuf b. 'Umar, a member of the Banu al-'Imran by the name of al-Qadi Muhammad b. As'ad b. Muhammad b. Musa b., al-Husayn b. As'ad al-'Imrani formed a close friendship with the sultan. Consequently, with the backing of the sultan's authority, the family came to have enormous influence, especially in the administration of justice, and they began to appoint as qadi those ‘ulama’ who had connections with the family. This led to confusion and corruption in the administration of justice. But after the death of the sultan al-Muzaffar and the installation of a new sultan, the Banu al-'Imran were deprived of their power.

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Bilindigi gibi, Osmanli Devleti'nde ulema sinifi, hiyerarsik bir teskilat olarak orgutlenmistir. Dar anlamda Ilmiye teskilati, tarik-i tedris ve tarik-i kaza'dan olusturulmus olup Seyhulislam bu teskilatin en yuksek mevkiinde bulunmustur. Yargiclik ve ogretim gorevini orgutleyen Ilmiye teskilati, ayni zamanda Padisah tarafindan bahsedilen 'ayricalik ve onur'un tahsis duzeni olarak da nitelenebilir. Ulema sinifinin ozerkligi, ayricaligin saglanmasiyla birlikte gelismistir. Bu siki hiyerarsi (kurallara uygun atama ve terfi usulu), ulema atamalarinda dis yetkililerin mudahalelerinin onlenmesini sagliyordu. Ayrica Ilmiye teskilati'ni,'gelir kaynaklarinin tahsis duzeni' olarak nitelemek gerekir. Kadilar mahkeme harglarini, muderrisler vakif ucretini alma hakkini kazaniyorlardi. Bu yuzden istekliler ulema mesleginde yogunlasmistir. Bu acidan siki hiyerarsik sistem, aday kalabalikligini kontrol etmek icin kurulmus denebilir. Bu mesleklerin gelir kaynagi olma niteliginin dogal sonucu olarak itibari memuriyetler meydana gelmistir. Itibari paye sahibine tahsis edilen kadilik geliri olan arpalik, bu gelismeyi anlatan en iyi orneklerdendir. Kadilik gorevi cogu zaman naib tarafindan yerine getirildigi gibi, muderrisler de artik atandiklari medreselerde ogretmenlik yapmiyorlardi. Muderrislik gorevini haiz olanlarin cogu camilerde dersiamlik yapiyorlarsa da, daha cok kazanc isteyenler, kadi naibligi, veya Seyhulislam ve Kazasker gibi yuksek rutbeli ulemanin dairelerinde katiplik vazifelerini goruyorlardi. Naiblikler ve katiplikler, cogu kez rutbe sahipleri ile kisisel iliski kuranlara tahsis ediliyordu. XVIII. yuzyildaki bazi buyuk ilmiye ailelerinin hakimiyeti, yukarida anlatilan Ilmiye teskilatinin niteliklerinden meydana gelmistir. Ilmiye teskilati reformu 1826 yilinda baslamistir. Bu yil eski Aga Kapisi, Seyhulislam dairesine (Bab-i Fetva) cevrilmistir. Daha once Seyhulislam, Kazasker, ve Istanbul Kadisi, kendi konaklarinda gorev yaparlardi. Resmi ofislerin kurulusundan sonra buralarda hizmet eden katipler, resmi memur sifatini almislardir. Bab-i Fetva giderek burokratik bir orgute dogru gelismistir. 1855 yilinda Tevcihat-i Menasib-i Kaza Nizamnamesi ve Nuvvab hakkinda Nizamname ilan edilmistir. Birincisi kadilik verilmesi hakkinda ayrintili bir duzen kurmussa da kadilik artik sirf itibari rutbe haline gelmisti. Naiblik ise kadiligin yerine fiili ser'i hakimlige cevrilmistir. 1854 yilinda Mu 'allimhane-i Nuvvab (Mekteb-i Nuvvab) ve sonra Meclis-i Intihab-i Hukkamu's-ser'(Ser'i Hakimler Secim Meclisi) kurulup naiblerin secim usulu duzenlenmistir. 1864 tarihli Vilayet Nizamnamesi'nde her vilayete mufettis-i hukkam atanmasi usulu konulduktan sonra 1872 tarihli Mahakim-i Nizamiye hakkinda Nizamname ile her vilayet, sancak ve kazaya naib atanmaya baslanmistir. Ser'i mahkemenin yargi usulu de turlu talimatnameler ile islah edilmistir. Naiblik teskilatinin kurulmasinin yani sira yeni yargi sistemi (mahakim-i nizamiye teskilati) kuruldugundan naibin yetkisi azalmisti. 1888 tarihli irade-i seniyede ser'i ve nizami mahkemelerin gorevlerinin ayrilmasi belirlenmistir. Ser'i mahkemelere sadece evlenme, miras ve vakifla ilgili idare ve yargilama yetkisi birakilmistir. Fakat nizami mahkemelere atanacak hakimler suratle yetistirilemediginden naibler onlarin gorevlerini de yapmislardir. Kaza bidayet mahkeme reisligi ve sancak ve vilayet mahkemesi hukuk dairesi reisliginin bir cogu, Imparatorlugun sonuna kadar naiblere havale edildi. 1909 yilinda Beyanu'l-hak dergisinde "Cem'iyet-i Ilmiye-i Islamiyenin Hukkamu's-ser' Kismi tarafindan Meb 'usan-i Kirama takdim olunan Idyihadir" adli reform tasarisi yayimlanmistir. Tasari, mahkeme usulunun duzenlenmesi ve naib seciminde Mekteb-i Nuvvab mezunlarinin tercih edilmelerini temel amac almistir. Bu tasarida onerilenlerin bir kismi II. Mesrutiyet

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The purpose of this article is to describe the process of a series of lawsuits in Qajar Tehran, and to examine the legal procedure and customs of Qajar shari'a courts. Though the role of 'ulama and their relation with the state is one of the major issues in Qajar studies, studies on their activity in shari'a courts had been neglected until quite recently, since there are very few so-called "shari'a court registers" (sicillat in Ottoman context) from Qajar Iran. Also, other documentary sources are scattered, and difficult to access to them. The recent study made by Ch. Werner solved this situation. Basing on the analysis of private deeds, he indicates that what can be called the shari'a court in Qajar Iran was a kind of notary's office operated by individual 'ulama. There was no central court at all, and 'ulama accomplished their duty without any appointment to offices or ranks by the state. However, a question still remains how 'ulama played the role of judge who decided on legal cases and how was their relation with the state, which was said to have the other court of justice, "'orf court." In this article I take one legal case and analyzing the legal procedure seen in its course The case was concerned with so-called "doubled waqf". The file, which I found in the archive of Vaqf Organization in Tehran, contained two waqf deeds and fifty two other documents. They show that a village located in the west suburb of Tehran, was endowed as waqf twice by different persons for different purposes. Since waqfs must be perpetual in theory, this situation was quite exceptional and caused conflicts between two parties. Each party tried to establish its right on waqf property, and petitioned to the state and sued at court of 'ulama. The 'ulama issued hokms, and the state coped with them. The actions of the two parties and reactions of the 'ulama and the state to them are examined. The case shows that the function of shari'a court as the court of justice was very similar with that court as the notary office. It legally confirmed and documented the right of individuals by issuing hokms. Plaintiff brought the hokms to the state and petitioned to execute the hokms. There was no central court, and 'ulama issued hokms individually without any official ranks. Major element which had influence on the 'ulama's decisions is hokms issued by high ranking 'ulamas in 'Atabat. Here we can see the formation of the new religious and judicial institution: marja'-e taqlid.

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In comparing Middle-Eastern and Algerian Ulama’s reactions to some important sociopolitical questions, this study seeks to clarify the originality of political thought within the Association of Algerian Ulama (founded in 1931) before the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Although being strongly influenced by the Egyptian Islamist school of al-Manār, the Algerian Ulama showed some creativity of thought and method when they reacted to two major problems of the colonial period: the polemic about naturalization of a Muslim “indigenous” person as a French and the question of application of the law of separation of church and state. The difference in opinion between al-Manār and the Algerian Ulama came mainly from the particularity of the Algerian situation under direct colonial rule. Struggling with the political/economic/cultural illegalities, the Ulama began to call for their collective identity as Algerian Muslims, a newly discovered agency in both cultural and political terms. The Ulama conceptualized their nationhood or “Algerian Muslim Umma” as follows. They assumed that there was a distinct religious community (umma) composed only of Muslims on the Algerian homeland (waṭan), and they distinguished this “Algerian Muslim Umma” from the French Umma, claiming the Algerian Muslim Umma’s ethnic affiliation (jinsīya qawmīya) as distinct from its political affiliation (jinsīya siyāsīya), which was French. The Ulama insisted also on the Algerian Muslims’ affiliation to both their homeland (waṭan) and the worldwide Islamic Umma, guaranteed by their juridical Muslim Status. Thus, the Algerian Ulama succeeded in combining the worldwide Islamic framework and the idea of Algerian nationhood without any conflict.

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