The Mulazemet System in the Ilmiye Organization in the Ottoman Empire (1520-1620): According to Candidate Registers (Rumeli Kazaskerligi Ruznamesi) In the reign of Sultan Suleyman The Magnificent (1520-1566), Ottoman ulema belonged to Ilmiye, a professional hierarchical organization comitted to judicature and education. Ilmiye consisted of muderris, kadi and mufti offices with their own career patterns and it worked as a bureaucracy. However, it has been difficult so far to know the process of appointment or recruitment to this hierarchy due to the scarcity of historical materials. In 1537, Suleyman ordered Ebussuud Efendi, who was in the office of Rumeli Kazaskeri, to register regularly distinguished students as candidates to Ilmiye officials. These candidates were called mulazim, and mulazemet, which meant the state of being candidates. This mulazemet system was significant in controling the quality and quantity of ulema by unifying the path to Ilmiye. The purpose of this paper is to examine this recruiting system mainly as reported in the unpublished ottoman documents, "Rumeli Kazaskerligi Ruznamesi" (No.1 H.951-959, No.7 H.1007-1016). These documents which contain 1392 registered mulazims will certainly help us understand the details required for the membership of Ilmiye. Through these registers together with other historical materials, this paper tries to reach a comprehensive idea not only outlining the mulazemet system, but also determining its function as a mechanism of promotion in Ilmiye. According to the contents of these registrations, there were five ways for medrese students to acquire mulazemet: (1) Examinations (especially those held among the students whose teachers had deceased) (2) Starting as clerks (fetva emini, tezkereci) under the offices of Seyhulislam and Kazasker for six months (3) Recommendations from high officials in Ilmiye. (4) By the mediation of princes, Vezirazams and other high officials in the central administration (5) Registered automatically when desired if they are sons of high officials or qualified as "beratla mu'id". One should realize that a student had to study and be involved in business practices under the supervision of high officials in order to be a mulazim. If he finished this apprenticeship, his supervisor would then recommend him to the Sultan as an Ilmiye official candidate. The emergence of the mulazemet system brought some changes to the lives of students and to Ilmiye from the latter half of the 16th. century to the early 17th. century. Students came to make connections actively with high officials rather than studying in medrese. As Seyhulislam, Kazasker and Vezirazam gained the privilege of appointment of official posts, including the authority of mulazim recommendations, students rushed at those officials for the purpose of getting a share of the distribution of Ilmiye offices. Some of them tried to forge relationships with many influential ulema and Vezirazams at the same time; others took advantage of these connections to obtain mulazemet without finishing the educational programs in medrese. Most students made use of this relationship (the intisab relationship) with high officials to get their own quick promotions after joining Ilmiye. In this way medrese lost the reason for existing as a high educational institution, and changed into merely a place of supporting students in order to establish contact with high officials. The relationship between a professor and a student changed its shape to one that stands between a superior and a subordinate in the professional hierarchy. Some incumbent officials used to sell their posts or accept bribes from students and lower officials. The order and morals inside Ilmiye were corrupted by degrees. On the other hand, some people attained mulazemet to make ill use of the rule of getting the status in return for business practices. Some of them worked

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This paper attempts to examine the development of the vizierate in the Early Ottoman Empire, through analyzing the origins, careers and activities of the viziers of the period.
　Initially, the Ottoman vizierate comprised a single individual, but the number seems to have increased during the reigns of Murad I and Yildirim Bayazid. During the earlier period, the vizier had power over both administrative and military affairs. However, it is likely that after the number of viziers increased, the second and third viziers of the military class took charge of military affairs, the military authority held by the Grand Vizier of the ulema class gradually becoming diminished until the title was merely nominal. Although the Grand Viziership was thought to have been held exclusively by the ulema class, this paper makes it clear that individuals from the Turkish military class held the office for an extended period during the reigns of Mehmed I and Murad II.
　During the reign of Murad II, palace slaves (kuls) assumed the offices of second or third vizier, a few of them concurrently holding the post of Rumeli Beylerbeyi. Owing to the severe and continuous struggle between viziers of kul and ulema backgrounds during this period, viziers other than Grand Viziers changed frequently. Although the limitation of this era is reflected in the fact that the kul viziers could not advance to the Grand Viziership, Fatih Mehmed, who had succeeded to the throne for a time during this period, must have realized the effectiveness of having kul viziers. Thus, after the conquest of Constantinople, he strengthened his position as absolute monarch by appointing kul viziers, such as Zaganos and Mahmud Pashas, to the Grand Viziership. From this standpoint, the reign of Murad II was a quite important era, paving the way for the coming age.

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Bilindigi gibi, Osmanli Devleti'nde ulema sinifi, hiyerarsik bir teskilat olarak orgutlenmistir. Dar anlamda Ilmiye teskilati, tarik-i tedris ve tarik-i kaza'dan olusturulmus olup Seyhulislam bu teskilatin en yuksek mevkiinde bulunmustur. Yargiclik ve ogretim gorevini orgutleyen Ilmiye teskilati, ayni zamanda Padisah tarafindan bahsedilen 'ayricalik ve onur'un tahsis duzeni olarak da nitelenebilir. Ulema sinifinin ozerkligi, ayricaligin saglanmasiyla birlikte gelismistir. Bu siki hiyerarsi (kurallara uygun atama ve terfi usulu), ulema atamalarinda dis yetkililerin mudahalelerinin onlenmesini sagliyordu. Ayrica Ilmiye teskilati'ni,'gelir kaynaklarinin tahsis duzeni' olarak nitelemek gerekir. Kadilar mahkeme harglarini, muderrisler vakif ucretini alma hakkini kazaniyorlardi. Bu yuzden istekliler ulema mesleginde yogunlasmistir. Bu acidan siki hiyerarsik sistem, aday kalabalikligini kontrol etmek icin kurulmus denebilir. Bu mesleklerin gelir kaynagi olma niteliginin dogal sonucu olarak itibari memuriyetler meydana gelmistir. Itibari paye sahibine tahsis edilen kadilik geliri olan arpalik, bu gelismeyi anlatan en iyi orneklerdendir. Kadilik gorevi cogu zaman naib tarafindan yerine getirildigi gibi, muderrisler de artik atandiklari medreselerde ogretmenlik yapmiyorlardi. Muderrislik gorevini haiz olanlarin cogu camilerde dersiamlik yapiyorlarsa da, daha cok kazanc isteyenler, kadi naibligi, veya Seyhulislam ve Kazasker gibi yuksek rutbeli ulemanin dairelerinde katiplik vazifelerini goruyorlardi. Naiblikler ve katiplikler, cogu kez rutbe sahipleri ile kisisel iliski kuranlara tahsis ediliyordu. XVIII. yuzyildaki bazi buyuk ilmiye ailelerinin hakimiyeti, yukarida anlatilan Ilmiye teskilatinin niteliklerinden meydana gelmistir. Ilmiye teskilati reformu 1826 yilinda baslamistir. Bu yil eski Aga Kapisi, Seyhulislam dairesine (Bab-i Fetva) cevrilmistir. Daha once Seyhulislam, Kazasker, ve Istanbul Kadisi, kendi konaklarinda gorev yaparlardi. Resmi ofislerin kurulusundan sonra buralarda hizmet eden katipler, resmi memur sifatini almislardir. Bab-i Fetva giderek burokratik bir orgute dogru gelismistir. 1855 yilinda Tevcihat-i Menasib-i Kaza Nizamnamesi ve Nuvvab hakkinda Nizamname ilan edilmistir. Birincisi kadilik verilmesi hakkinda ayrintili bir duzen kurmussa da kadilik artik sirf itibari rutbe haline gelmisti. Naiblik ise kadiligin yerine fiili ser'i hakimlige cevrilmistir. 1854 yilinda Mu 'allimhane-i Nuvvab (Mekteb-i Nuvvab) ve sonra Meclis-i Intihab-i Hukkamu's-ser'(Ser'i Hakimler Secim Meclisi) kurulup naiblerin secim usulu duzenlenmistir. 1864 tarihli Vilayet Nizamnamesi'nde her vilayete mufettis-i hukkam atanmasi usulu konulduktan sonra 1872 tarihli Mahakim-i Nizamiye hakkinda Nizamname ile her vilayet, sancak ve kazaya naib atanmaya baslanmistir. Ser'i mahkemenin yargi usulu de turlu talimatnameler ile islah edilmistir. Naiblik teskilatinin kurulmasinin yani sira yeni yargi sistemi (mahakim-i nizamiye teskilati) kuruldugundan naibin yetkisi azalmisti. 1888 tarihli irade-i seniyede ser'i ve nizami mahkemelerin gorevlerinin ayrilmasi belirlenmistir. Ser'i mahkemelere sadece evlenme, miras ve vakifla ilgili idare ve yargilama yetkisi birakilmistir. Fakat nizami mahkemelere atanacak hakimler suratle yetistirilemediginden naibler onlarin gorevlerini de yapmislardir. Kaza bidayet mahkeme reisligi ve sancak ve vilayet mahkemesi hukuk dairesi reisliginin bir cogu, Imparatorlugun sonuna kadar naiblere havale edildi. 1909 yilinda Beyanu'l-hak dergisinde "Cem'iyet-i Ilmiye-i Islamiyenin Hukkamu's-ser' Kismi tarafindan Meb 'usan-i Kirama takdim olunan Idyihadir" adli reform tasarisi yayimlanmistir. Tasari, mahkeme usulunun duzenlenmesi ve naib seciminde Mekteb-i Nuvvab mezunlarinin tercih edilmelerini temel amac almistir. Bu tasarida onerilenlerin bir kismi II. Mesrutiyet

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Onsekizinci yuzyilin baslarinda Osmanli Devleti'nde resmi tarihci olarak vekayi'-nuvis (vak'a-nuvis) muessesesi kurulmustur. Vekayi'-nuvisler Osmanli Devleti'nin sonuna kadar tayin edilip eserlerini yazmaya devam ettiler. Islam tarih yazimi gelenegi icerisinde resmi tarihcilik sadece Osmanli Devleti'nde oldugu icin arastirilmaya deger bir konudur. Bundan onceki calismam muessesesinin ilk donemleri hakkindaydi ("Osmanli Devleti'nde Vekayi'-nuvis Muessesesinin Kurulusu (Japonca), " Shigaku Zasshi (Tarih Dergisi), 111/1 (2002)). Bu makalemde Na'ima Mustafa Efendi (olm. 1716) ile Sadrazam Sehid 'Ali Pasa tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid Mehmed Efendi (olm. 1735)'nin gercek anlamda resmi vekayi'-nuvis sayilamiyacagini iddia ediyorum. Devamli bir devlet hizmeti olarak vekayi'-nuvislik, kaimmakam (sonra Sadrazam) olan Nevsehirli Ibrahim Pasa'nin 1717de Rasid'e Tarih-i Na'ima'ya devam etmesini emretmesiyle baslamistir. O'nu takibeden Kucukcelebizade Isma'il 'Asim Efendi (olm. 1769) zamaninda muessese devam etmistir. Vekayi'-nuvislik muessesesi hakkinda yeterli arastirma yoktur. Muessesenin kurulusu ve olaylari kaleme alma tarzi goz onunde bulundurularak arastirilmalidir. Yapilan arastirmalara gore Na'ima genel olarak "dusunceli, tenkitci vs., " Rasid ve sonraki vekayi'-nuvisler "sikici, tenkitsiz vs." olarak degerlendirilir. Fakat hala Na'ima'dan baska ilk vekayi'-nuvisler hakkinda ciddi calisma yapilmamistir. Bundan dolayi bu makalede Na'ima, Rasid (Sehid 'Ali tarafindan tayin edildigi donem - Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edildigi donem) ve Kucukcelebizade'nin eserleri karsilastilarak degerlendirilmistir. Bu calismamda vekayi'-nuvislerin sahip olduklari ideolojik alt yapilari ve mesruiyet kuramlari ortaya konmaya calisilmistir. Karsilastirmayi net bir sekilde ortaya koymak icin asagda gosterilen dort nokta uzerinde durulmustur; 1 tarihin faydasi / 2 tarih yazimi / 3 "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi / 4 siyasal amac. Na'ima, tarihin faydasi uzerine etraflica dusunmus ve tarih yazimi olarak yedi usulden bahsetmistir. "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi de olmustur. Onun siyasal amaci ise Na'ima'nin intisab ettigi Sadrazam Amcazade Huseyin Pasa'nin akdettigi Karlofca Andlasmasi (1699)'nin mesruiyeti olmustur. Bunu eserinin mukaddemesinde gorebiliriz. Sehid 'Ali tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid, ilk uc nokta hakkinda pek bahsetmemektedir. Siyasal amac olarak Sehid 'Ali'nin seferlerini (Venedik ve Avusturya'ya karsi) cok basarili bularak bu seferleri ovmustur. Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid, onsozde Na'ima'yi ornek alarak yazacagini belirtmistir. Halbuki buna ragmen Na'ima gibi yazmamis, esas olarak Sehid 'Ali doneminde kendi tarzini kullanmistir. Siyasal amac, Nevsehirli tarafindan akdedilen Pasarofca muahedesi (1718)'nin mesruiyeti idi. Kucukcelebizade ise Rasid'i tamamen taklit ederek yazmistir. Ayni zamanda Nevsehirli'nin Dogu siyasetini - Iran'a kadar asker gonderme (1723) ve Carlik Rusya'si ile anlasmayi (1724) - basarili bulmus ve ona ovguler yagdirmistir. Sonuc olarak diyebiliriz ki, Na'ima ve sonraki vekayi'-nuvisler (Rasid ve Kucukcelebizade) arasinda tarihin faydasi, tarih yazimi, "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi hakkinda cok farkli gorusler olmus ve bunun sonucunda yazma usulunde degisikler ortaya qikmistir. Siyasal amac da, herkesin kendi patronunun mesruiyeti icin calismasidir. Rasid, Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edilirken Na'ima'yi ornek alarak yazacagini soylemesine ragmen ilk uc nokta uzerine Na'ima'dan cok farkli bir sekilde yazmistir. Demek ki, resmi tarih yaziminda vekayi'-nuvislikte

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Immediately after the conquest of Byzantine Constantinople by the Ottomans in 1453, the city began to be developed as the Ottoman capital, Istanbul. In order to discover the remaking process of Istanbul as an Islamic city, the documents concerning vakif (pious endowment) by Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror have great importance, because his construction of some pious or charitable institutions (e.g. mosques, medreses and hospitals) and a number of markets were undertaken within the framework of the vakif system, which contributed remarkably to the reorganization of Istanbul. Therefore the study of vakfives (endowment deeds) and other account registers concerning his vakif should provide valuable information on the details of this process. It should be also noted that these documents contain valuable information about the topography of the city of that period, since vakif of Sultan Mehmed covered almost all the districts of walled Istanbul and Galata. In spite of their obvious significance, usage of these documents as historical sources has been quite limited up till now. One of the reasons for this condition must be the insufficiency of the textual critique of the documents, which appear in several manuscripts some of which show great differences. Since none of the vakfiye manuscripts has ever been investigated in detail, much less compared with each other, the relationship between these manuscripts has not been exactly explained, even though they have been used by many scholars without comprehending their real character. In this paper, I will attempt to compare these documents in detail and show how and when each vakfiye was compiled. This fundamental work should better enable them to be utilized as historical source materials. At present nine original or copied vakfiyes of Sultan Mehmed concerning with walled Istanbul and Galata are known in the archives in Turkey. These are; 1: Topukapi Sarayi Muzesi Kutuphanesi Hazine No.1808 (published by T. Oz in 1935) 2: Turk ve Islam Eserleri Muzesi No.2202-666 (published by O. Ergin in 1945) 3: Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi Ali Emiri Tasnifi Fatih No.63 4: Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi Ali Emiri Tasnifi Fatih No.71 5: Tapu ve Kadastro Genel Mudurlugu Yeni No.2199 6: Topukapi Sarayi Muzesi Arsivi E.7744-4 (published by T. Oz in 1935) 7: Turk ve Islam Eserleri Muzesi No.2182-646 8: Tapu ve Kadastro Genel Mudurlugu Yeni No.2166 9: Vakiflar Genel Mudurlugu Anadolu Defteri, Fatih Vakfiyesi (published by Vakiflar Umum Mudurlugu in 1938) As a result of the analysis of these vakfiyes and other registers of the vakif. the following points become clear. (1) The first assignment of Sultan Mehmed's vakif to the Ayasofya Mosque was made around 1456. It can be known that there were two groups of property assigned to that vakif. One group includes shops and kerbansarays, the construction of which began in 1456 according to Kritoboulos' chronicle. The other includes mukata'a (rent) of the houses which remained from the Byzantine period and were inhabited by immigrants into Istanbul. Examination of the vakif documents of Sultan Mehmed makes it clear that the assignment of the mukata'a of those houses to vakif is closely related to the survey of the city buildings carried out by Cubbe Ali in 1455 or 56. Although Dursun Bey and Asikpasazade wrote that the levy of mukata'a was given up immediately after the survey, vakfive No.2 and the register of 1489/90 show that a part of mukata'a remained in the vakif property. It should be noted, however, that the vakfiye made at the time of this assignment has not yet been found. (2) In 1463, construction of a new institutional complex called Fatih Imareti was begun. The complex contained a mosque, eight medreses, eight small medreses, a hospital and a traveler's hostel. Up to 1472-3, during the service of Grand Vezir Mahmud Pasa, only the great mosque (Fatih Cami'i) and the eight

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