絵画鑑賞時の感情変化を、脳波を用いた感情識別装置にて測定した。実験絵画には、ダリ、ロートレック、・の作品各1点を用い、各5分間鑑賞した。鑑賞中の被験者(2名)の脳波を4つの感情指標(リラックス、悲しみ、喜び、怒り)で評価した結果、いずれの絵画の場合も怒りの指標が大きかった。これは実験に使った絵画が個性的であったために、興奮・高揚を引き起こした可能性が考えられた。

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(d)Documenta Kassel became internationally well known at the 5th documenta in 1 972. After this documenta was influenced by American pop art in the 4th documenta in 1968, its development was characterized by socio-political tendencies in the 1970's. Even though this understanding is one reality of documenta, it lacks the understanding about early documenta. In its early time, with full activities and energies, people contributed to its flowering after the destruction of the Nazi-regime. The first documenta in 1 955 was prepared by one member of Hochschule Kassel, Professor Arnold Bode. At that time, he realized one concept for an international art festival of modern artists who were < degraded > by the Nazi-regime from 1933-1945. With the cooperation between Bode and Werner Haftmann in Kassel, the second and third art festivals (expositions) were held in 1959 and 1964, and the second generation of Bauhaus and 'informel' artists participated in its realization. After their success, many artists attended the documenta. In this paper, the process of the development of documenta in these early stages will be researched from the point of pedagogy of art education.

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A course on 'Expressions' would be an appropriate addition to a modern art education curriculum, and how we think of these expressions is proving to be an increasingly important issue. The reason for this is that, growing out of post war perceptions of creative art education that place emphasis on developing children's potential for self expression, a problem has arisen with regard to how art education has responded to works which have come to be recognized as belonging to the contemporary art idiom. The objective of this thesis to discuss the similarities and difference between contemporary art and the latent meaning of expressions used in art education to describe it, with regard to the problems surrouding the development of a methodology for teaching contemporary art. As one can see from present teaching documents, the words that are used reflect a tendency to describe art in the modernist terms of Expressionism, where the emotions and idiosyncrasies of the inner self are given external expression. This disregards such contemporary genres as Dada and Pop Art, however, which are more concerned with relating the externally manifested properties of works, as well as with using the media to further disseminate them. I believe that it is thus necessary to address these particularities and disparities in developing a methodology for teaching contemporary art.

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Japan experienced an unceasing furor of the art Informel movement in the late fifties. Around the same time, in Korea, pictorial art works of the Informel style caught the spirit of then generation The "Informel" movement in Korea was largely different from that seen in Japan in that the Informel movement in Korea had little direct contact with French Informel movement, while in Japan, a series of articles on the Informel movement and art works were introduced to the public and even Michel Tapie who originally pronounced the philosophy of Informel visited Japan. Korea developed their own interpretation of Informel in total uniqueness, and as a result, succeeded in freeing themselves from the long-established framework of the world of fine art which had been full of restraints. Korean art circle interpreted Informel in the context of Korean culture, throw off the limitations of the world of art, and at the same time, won internationality and contemporaneousness, and finally, took off for the new realm of contemporary art.

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本論は,近年の社会における子どもの美術教育の特徴的な動向に関わり,その実践のねらいが一般に共有されづらいという問題をふまえ,近代以降の美術固有の「多様性」という観点から,これまでの展開の経過と今後の実践のあり方について考察する。はじめに,「教育における美術」の多様性を検討し,続けて日本の社会における美術の受容の特性と近代以降の「子どもの美術」について述べる。次に,美術教育が社会において普及した経過と各教育現場における実践方法の多様化について振り返り,それらの活動の拠り所となる「美術」の多様性が,近代絵画における意識の変容と「行為」としての美術の成り立ちを通して浮上した経緯について言及する。最後に,美術の多様性に依拠する美術教育のねらいを「価値の体験」と捉え,近年の事例に即して,望ましい実践のあり方について考察する。

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In the article, I review the political theory of Samuel T. Francis who is one of the paleoconservatives in the late twentieth century. Although he was widely regarded as an editor and controversial columnist, he elaborated a distinctive theory about political strategies for the right-wing populism. My argument is that he has tried to formulate a concept of class formation and alliance in the contemporary America, which is closely associated with “race” and whiteness.

In the first section, I introduce how the American paleoconservatism was formed in the late I970s and 1980s. The conservative movement was elaborated in the sharp conflict with neoconservatism in the 1980s through the 2000s. I introduce as one example of the conflict how Reagan administration nominated William Bennett as chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities rather than M.E. Bradford, a major paleocon. I also show that Patrick J. Buchanan, a staunch paleocon regarded Trump’s followers as the Middle American Radicals of whom his “friend” Sam Francis wrote when he posted an article to understand why Trump won in November 2016.

I analyze in the second section how Francis conceived the Middle American Radicals, MARs. He followed James Burnham, a former Trotskyist, and political theorist when he thought about what the contemporary state is and who rules it. According to him, the managerial class retains power in both the public sector and the private sector including mass media and universities. The federal bureaucrats have extended their ruling power over people and parts of the country when they expand public welfare programs in particular for the underclass. Francis pointed out that managerial elites have formed a class alliance with the underclass to eliminate the old bourgeois and the middle class.

He called this alliance the “sandwich strategy.” He, therefore actively asked the declining Middle Americans to raise a radical consciousness to struggle against the alliance and the managerial state.

I argue in the third section why Francis vehemently opposed mass immigration in America. I pick up the two examples in the 1980s and 1990s - Sanctuary Movement and Proposition 187 - about which he wrote many articles. His analysis was that immigrants could provide a stream into a new underclass that keeps bureaucrats in power and hegemony.

His outrage at the issue of immigration was so stern that people might feel a little confusing to understand why he unleashed his frustration on the issue. In the last section, I try to understand a theoretical relationship between the concept of MARs and that of race in his political theory. According to Francis, MARs are not a racially diverse people at all. To put it simply, they are whites. He thought that non-white immigrants were forming a race bloc to get political power and cultural hegemony over the white people. He accordingly required these white people to form their bloc to recover the white supremacy. He called it the “reconquest” of the United States. Thus his theory combined both the class consciousness and the racial consciousness in the concept of MARs.

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