従来のイスラーム研究における単線的な「イスラーム近代化論」、あるいはモダニストやイスラーム主義者による知性を重視した宗教の合理化論を研究するだけでは、現代イスラームにおける宗教的価値の見直しの潮流の重層性を包括的に捉えるのは不十分である。ジャーズーリーヤ教団は、多くの「モダニスト」によって構成されており、近代志向の強い教団である。しかし、モダニストやイスラーム主義者、近代志向の教団が、呪術的諸行為を批判するのと同様に、トランス状態を含む情動的諸行為を嫌悪・批判するなかで、法的イスラームに代表される静的宗教に対して、神秘主義であるスーフィズムがその起源から本来的に持っていた動的宗教としての役割を、本教団は再評価・実践している。本稿では、近代以降、スーフィー教団同様に、イスラーム主義者やモダニストから、非正統的イスラーム、前近代の遺物として批判の矢面に立たされているマウリドにおいて、ジャーズーリーヤ教団がどのように活動を行っているのかを考察している。

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The period between the collapse of the Il-Khanid dynasty in 1335 and the founding of the Safavid dynasty in 1501 is said to be a period of political confusion to Iran. Considering the social situation, after the Mongol conquest and the collapse of the 'Abbasid dynasty, which had been the symbol of the unity of the Islamic world, "official high Islam", like theologians, lost its meaning and its influence on the people. On the other hand, the nomad Turko-Mongol rulers and the common people admired the dignity and mirales of such "unofficial" religious groups ("folk Islam") as sufi-orders, and individuals like descendants of the Prophet Muhammad (sayyids). These trends strengthened after the collapse of the Il-Khanid dynasty. These "unofficial" religious groups enjoyed popularity and took part in politics with the support of the people. Two local dynasties by the Caspian Sea, which were founded by sayyid-families, the Mar'ashis in Mazandaran and the Kiyas in Gilan, were related to these religious trends. They have been understood in the context of a social reform movement ("the Sarbadar movement"), but these local dynasties did not arise out of class strife. The analogy of the Sarbadars in Khorasan and the Mar'ashis lies in the fact that the newly-risen rulers wished to gain the support of "folk Islam" in order to legitimate their own rule. The leaders of "folk Islam", who in turn wanted to control the rulers, began to seize political power for themselves. The Kiyas, who aimed at seizing power from the beginnig, removed local rulers of Gilan and came to the power with the military support of the Mar'ashis. When the Kiyas took Daylamistan, they coverted the Isma'ili inhabitants to the Zaydi faith. Later the inhabitants of Daylamistan played an important role in the army of the Kiyas. The Mar'ashis were the leaders of a sufi order, while the Kiyas were Zaydi 'ulamas. The local inhabitants admired the sayyids for their learning. The Turko-Mongol rulers of the 15th century, like the Aq Quyunlus, were influenced by such a social and religious situation. At the same time, they interfered in the internal affairs of the Caspian Sea region without any attempt to conquer it, showing more interest in the value of agriulture. The Mar'ashis and the Kiyas were allowed to retain their position of honor, because they were able to supply the Turko-Mongol rulers with the bountiful agricultural products of the region, especially silk. In the social and religious situation of Iran in the 14th and 15th centuries, in which the Mar'ashis and the Kiyas came to the fore, the Safavid order developed into the Safavid dynasty to conquer Iran.

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This article discusses a genealogical chart drawn in the third quarter of the fifteenth century CE (probably in the first half of the 1460s) in Iraq, most likely in Najaf, which presents the Timurids as descendants of ʻAli b. Abī Ṭālib through his son Muḥammad b. al-Ḥanafiyya. This genealogical chart presents a hitherto unknown ʻAlid genealogy as that of the Timurids. It thus appears to testify to a Timurid attempt at "ʻAlidizing" themselves that is completely different from the one attested by the well-known epitaphs at Gūr-i Amīr. Particularly notable is the fact that this ʻAlid genealogy connects the Timurids to a legendary royal family (the legendized Qarakhanids) that purportedly played an important role in the Islamization of the regions roughly corresponding to the realms of the historical Chaghatay Khanate.

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"Where there is power, there is resistance." Michel Foucault suggests unstable power relations whilst also demonstrating repetitious and self-reproducing characteristics of power. This paper tries to investigate whether this power relation is applicable to the gender order in Saudi Arabia. And if so, how is it applied? Based on these questions, I examine how Saudi male and female intellectuals conceptualize the gender order through their literary works. The study also explores the strategies and tactics of their discourses including their approaches to Islam. An analysis on intellectuals' discourses illustrates divergent attitudes towards patriarchy based on a variety of interpretation of sacred texts: some hope to strengthen the patriarchal gender order seeking for the benefit of being protected by male guardian and maximizing the benefit of the weak whilst others doubt and resist male dominance and subsequent female dependence upon men, and suggest a drastic change in the sexual division of labour. Diverse discourse produced among the intellectuals is a proof that the patriarchal gender order is a multiple processes of power relations of ceaseless struggles, confrontations and strengthening.

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