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  • 小野 哲
    オリエント
    1989年 32 巻 1 号 82-92
    発行日: 1989/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 堀岡 晴美
    オリエント
    1997年 40 巻 2 号 1-17
    発行日: 1997年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    For a long time the date of the Šuruppak tablets has been the subject of controversy. However, since R. D. Biggs concluded that these tablets can be placed in the EDIIIa Period, his proposal seems to be widely accepted today.
    This paper will reexamine this view and argue that the Šuruppak tablets actually belong to a different period. To substantiate this view, we will investigate the usage of ku3-luh-ha in the Šuruppak sale documents and royal inscriptions and administrative documents of the other cities. The term ku3-luh-ha is used in the time between Entemena and Uruinimgina, rulers of Lagaš in the EDIIIb Period. This fact leads to the conclusion that the date of the Šuruppak sale documents belong to the second half of the EDlllb Period.
    This paper will also investigate the order of the person attesting in bal-PN, the date system of Šuruppak sale documents. The persons are classified into two groups according to the material for payment, urudu group and ku3-luh-ha group. It is possible to assume that the one proceeds the other.
  • 中期アッシリア時代のもうひとつの「ハナ文書」
    月本 昭男
    オリエント
    2003年 46 巻 2 号 52-70
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In her recent book, The Land of Hana (2002), A. H, Podany classified all of the Hana-tablets published so far into three periods: the early, middle, late periods. From the late period (ca. 1400-1200 BCE), except for a dedication inscription of “Ammurapi, king of the land of Hana” (LH 16), we have just two contracts of real estate transaction (LH 15 and LH 17): one (LH 15) dealing with “an orchard in the irrigation district of the city of Qatuna, ” and the other (LH 17) with a 6 acre field in an unknown district. We can discern however that the field mentioned in the latter text must be also located in the Qatuna district because a canal adjacent to it named Hubur-GAL seems to be same as the canal attested in the former text. Now a new Hana-type tablet, written in Middle Assyrian script, can be added to the two previously known: It is also a contract concerning a 1 acre field at “the gate of Qatuna.” If it is not just coincidental that all three Hana-texts are related to the Qatuna district, Qatuna must have been the place where the scribal tradition of Hana was established in the late Hana period. This might suggest that the core land of Hana people had moved north from Terqa to Qatuna in this period. This might also explain why “the land of Hana” referred to in two of the letters of the late 13th century found at Dur-Katlimu would not be located in the Terqa district, but in a north-west Habur river region.
  • 山田 恵子
    オリエント
    2002年 45 巻 2 号 1-25
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The variety in the appellations of seas attested in the Assyrian royal inscriptions from different times essentially originated in scribal efforts to renovate the use of geographical terminology. In course of time most of the terminological components went through changes in usage. A representative case is tâmtu elenitu ša šalamu šamši, “the upper sea of the setting sun”. This term originally designated Lake Van in the texts of Tighlath-pileser I, but some four hundred years later the same term was used to refer to the Mediterranean in the texts of Sennacherib. We recognize two major factors behind this phenomenon.
    One was the creation of the term “the sea of the setting sun” (tâmtu ša šulmu šamši) to designate the Mediterranean in the reign of Shalmaneser III. This term became a common appellation of the Mediterranean in later Assyrian inscriptions, and in the texts of Sargon II it was almost the exclusively-used term for the Mediterranean.
    The other factor was the establishment of tâmtu elitu (upper sea) as a major appellation for the Mediterranean in the late Neo-Assyrian period. Here we deal with two similar but originally distinguished terms, t. elenitu and t. elitu, both literally meaning “upper sea”. The former had been applied for the first time to the Mediterranean in the later texts of Tiglathpileser I (t. elenitu ša mat amurri, “the upper sea of Amurru”), departing from its original usage for Lake Van as attested in the texts of Tukluti-Ninurta I as well as those of Tiglath-pileser I himself. On the other hand, t. elitu, though it had been a classical term for the Mediterranean in the Mesopotamian tradition since the Old Akkadian period, usually forming a pair with “the lower sea” (t. šaplitu), i. e., the Persian Gulf, was not used as a major term in the Assyrian royal inscriptions until the reign of Tilath-pileser III. When Sennacherib's scribes revived within the royal epithets the archaic expression for Lake Van, “the upper (elenitu) sea of the setting sun”, it was undoubtedly regarded just as a variant of the current term for the Mediterranean, “the upper (elitu) sea of the setting sun”.
  • オリエント
    2001年 44 巻 2 号 225-248
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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