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全文: "ジハード"
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  • 横田 貴之
    オリエント
    2003年 46 巻 1 号 83-102
    発行日: 2003/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this article is to examine the argument for jihad made by Hasan al-Banna (1906-49), the founder-leader of the Muslim Brotherhood (Jam'iya al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin). Al-Banna is widely regarded as one of the most important Islamic thinkers of the twentieth century. With his theories of jihad, he further developed the Islamic revivalist thought propagated in the journal al-Manar by another great thinker, Rashid Rida, especially concerning its practical application for a mass movement. In concrete terms, al-Banna provided his mass movement with the theoretical underpinnings for certain of its activities.
    Jihad has been one of the most important issues in contemporary Islamic politics, and al-Banna did not fail to address it. He made the following statement the slogan of the Muslim Brotherhood: “God is our goal; the Prophet is our leader; the Qur'an is our constitution; jihad is our way; death for the sake of God is our loftiest wish.” Facing the West's “invasion” of Muslim land, al-Banna concluded that jihad had become an individual duty obligatory on all Muslims. Thus, for the purpose of liberating the Muslim land, he constructed a theory of jihad in which the masses could fulfill this obligation by participating in the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood. An examination of his theory makes it clear that the Muslim Brotherhood's activities, which allowed its members to fulfill the obligation of jihad, involved not only armed struggle, but also social activities such as athletic clubs or business enterprises. Accordingly, I analyze his theory of jihad from two perspectives: “jihad as armed struggle” and “jihad as social activism.” Furthermore, I examine how al-Banna argued about jihad, which bears many shades of meaning in Islam, in the context of the Muslim Brotherhood.
  • 池内 恵
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 175 号 175_115-175_129
    発行日: 2014/03/30
    公開日: 2015/09/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    Jihad is one of the most controversial concepts in the Islamic political thought. This paper shed light on two dominant trends in the theories of Jihad in Modern Islamic World. Modernist thinkers, on the one hand, were concerned with political consequences of waging Jihad against the Western Powers and devised a theory intended to avoid the implementation of Jihad doctrine in the modern international arena. This “avoidance theorists” conducted meticulous research on the history of early Islam and forcefully concluded each and every wars and conflicts fought by the prophet Muhammad and his disciples were acts of selfdefense. By doing so, modernist thinkers presented Islam as an entity reconcilable with international laws and norms. Fundamentalist thinkers, on the other hand, criticized the modernist thinkers and its “subservient” style. Fundamentalists are not opposed to the “defensive” nature of Islam but expanded the concept of “defense” beyond the ordinary bound and redefined it to encompass fighting to root out the un-Islamic political and social institutions and entities from the earth. Although political implications of the two trends are diametrically opposed to each other, theoretically they are mutually supporting, at least in part. Modernists have paved the way to supremacist notion of Jihad by definitively approving the historical acts of war by the early Muslim nation as totally defensive and righteous. Fundamentalists rode on this theory and expanded the realm of the “defense” to such an extent that even most of the offensive warfare can be legitimized as “defense” in the context of eternal struggle for the sake of the cause of spreading Islam.
  • 中田 考
    オリエント
    1992年 35 巻 1 号 16-31
    発行日: 1992/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the Jihad is defined as ‘to expend one's life, wealth, and words in the war or the defence against infidels’. But after the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate, the political situations of the Islamic world drastically changed, which called various responses among Muslim intellectuals. Faraj, the ideologue of the Egyptian ‘Jihad’ group demonstrates that contemporary rulers apostatize from Islam because they do not rule according to the shari'a. So it turns to be individual obligation for Muslims to go jihad against the apostate rulers, for the jihad against apostates is to precede that against native infidels and the near enemy is more dangerous than the distant. But the jihad against the rulers has now no hope to succeed, so Shaikh 'Abdulgadir, a member of the ‘Jihad’, argues that the military training for the jihad is incumbent on every sane adult Muslim who has the necessary equipments and that Muslims should elect a qualified commander by lack of the caliph.
    Dr. 'Umar 'Abdurrahman, the mentor of the ‘Jama'a Isldmiya’, who classifies the rulers of the Muslim states into six categories, distinguishes the contemporary ruler from the traditional types of rulers and coins the word mustabdil for that. He concludes that the mustabdil is infidel and consequently has no legitimacy to rule and that Muslims must rise against him. Abu Ithar, Dr. 'Umar's disciple refines the conception of mustabdil and proves that the war against a mustabdil is not the rebellion which is one of the hudud crimes, but Muslim's duty.
    Thus the fight against evil rulers is justified both in the framework of the jihad theory by Faraj and 'Abdulgadir, and in the discussion about the legitimacy of the caliph by Dr.' Umar and Abu Ithar.
    The ‘revolutionary jihad theories’ radically differ from the classical theory of the jihad and the caliphate. In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the jihad is defined as the war against infidels and strictly separated from the notion of apostasy which is one of the hudud crimes. The caliphate theory is inserted in the chapter of the rebellion in the Islamic jurisprudence, so that it serves mainly for the justification of the temporal ruler and excludes the possibility of discussing the caliph's apostasy.
  • 西野 節男
    日本教育学会大會研究発表要項
    1991年 50 巻 162-
    発行日: 1991/08/28
    公開日: 2018/04/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 池内 恵
    年報政治学
    2013年 64 巻 1 号 1_189-1_214
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2016/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ummah, religio-political community, has been imagined and reimagined throughout Islamic history. In this paper, recent development of the notion of Ummah in the Arab-Islamic political thought is analyzed. A voluminous work Call for the Global Islamic Resistance written by Abu Mus‘ab al-Suri, a theorist in the Jihadist circle, is cosidered as an important endeavor to reconstitute Ummah as a self-organizing entity. Al-Suri’s organizational theory conceptualizes de-centralized reconstruction of Global Jihad movement. In his view, Global Jihad is composed of voluntary and autonomous activities of small “Individual Jihad.” In dispersing Global Jihad into every corner of society, al-Suri’s theory envisions a worldwide Ummah incessantly constituted as the result of every Muslim's local act of each and individual resistance. Al-Suri’s optimistic view of the present state of Ummah, and particularly of its youths, as spontaneously rising to the call of Global Jihad poses a fundamental turn in the context of Jihadists’ trail of rejection of “Jahiliyya” and alienation from wider Muslim public.
  • 苅谷 康太
    アフリカ研究
    2016年 2016 巻 89 号 1-13
    発行日: 2016/05/31
    公開日: 2017/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    19世紀初頭,現在のナイジェリア北部一帯に相当するハウサランドにおいて大規模な軍事ジハードが開始された。このジハードは,数年のうちに次々と同地のハウサ諸王権を圧倒し,一般にソコト・カリフ国と呼ばれる,イスラームを統治の基盤に据えた国家の建設を実現した。ジハードと国家建設の中心にいたイスラーム知識人ウスマーン・ブン・フーディー(1817年歿)は,複数の著作の中で,ハウサランドもしくはスーダーンに住む人々を信仰の様態に基づいて分類し,更に,その分類において不信仰者と見做した人々の捕虜・奴隷化に関する規定を論じている。本稿では,国家の基盤建設期にあたる1808年以降のウスマーンが,ウラマーの多くが認めていない法学的見解に依拠することを容認する「寛容の思想」を導入し,上述の信仰の様態に基づく人間の分類を操作することによって,捕虜・奴隷化し得る不信仰者の範疇を如何に拡大したのかを明らかにし,更に,その背景に如何なる理由が存在したのかを考察する。
  • 山根 聡
    アジア研究
    2015年 61 巻 3 号 1-17
    発行日: 2015/07/31
    公開日: 2015/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article discusses how Pakistani society has clearly distanced itself from terrorism. On 6th January 2015, the 21st Amendment Bill passed by the National Assembly of Pakistan has officially changed the constitutional definition of “Muslim terrorist(s)” into “terrorist(s) using the name of religion”. Pakistan has been called a hub of terrorists ever since several active terrorist groups are known to be based in Pakistan – such as the Sunni extremists Tahrik-e Taliban Pakistan (Pakistan Taliban Movement, TTP) or Sipah-e Sahaba Pakistan (SSP). Some of these groups are said to be supported by the Pakistani military and claim they will establish an Islamic order in society. However, Pakistani society itself has been suffering from terror and has been mobilized in the war on terror. This paper shows the transformation of Pakistani society concerning the concept of “Islamic-ness”.

    Pakistan has been a frontline state in conflicts such as, the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan in the 1980s, or the war on terror after 9/11. During the anti-Soviet war, Pakistan received huge financial and military assistance from both Western and Islamic countries. The Western countries supported Pakistan in the Cold War proxy war against the USSR, and Islamic countries provided assistance in the name of jihad against the Communists. In the 1980s, Muhammad Zia ul-Haq’s military regime promoted Islamization of society, a process which was never criticized by the international community which needed the Pakistani military regime’s cooperation in the war.

    Needless to say, Islam is the national religion of Pakistan and 95% of the total population of Pakistan belongs to Islam. Although the peoples of Pakistan may have different religious practices in their everyday life, all of them are attached to a firmly based monotheistic faith, and regard Muhammad as the last Prophet. However, there has generally been widespread reluctance to criticize Islamization or even Islamic extremists who kill in the name of religion. Also, terrorists often expressed their disapproval of the Pakistani government as not being “Islamic” or being a “puppet of the US”. As a result, Pakistani society has often been confused concerning the “Islamic-ness” of its own governments. This may be one of the reasons why there was not much criticism of the extremists even if they killed in the name of Allah.

    Since the tragic attack on a Peshawar school in December 2014, Pakistani society has evolved radically on that issue. Even Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who originally supported the idea of negotiating with the terrorists, has now approved an amendment to the Constitution establishing special military courts which are to be active for a two-year period only and designed to be rapidly dealing with crimes related to terrorism. The amendment states that Pakistan is willing to permanently wipe out and eradicate terrorism from the country. This decision shows not only the firm intention of the government on its war on terror, but also the decisive break with the terrorists who monopolize the cause of religion in Pakistani society. For Pakistan, it could be said that the consequence of voting such an amendment represents the greatest social transformation ever experimented since the Islamization of the 1980s.
  • 中田 考
    オリエント
    1995年 38 巻 1 号 79-95
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.
    In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.
    Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.
    With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.
    Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.
    The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.
  • 伊々 崎暁生, 藤井 敏彦, 浅羽 晴二, 西野 節男, 藤田 秀雄
    教育学研究
    1992年 59 巻 1 号 75-84
    発行日: 1992/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 竹沢 尚一郎
    アフリカ研究
    1990年 1990 巻 36 号 31-43
    発行日: 1990/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Mon article qui en consacré à établir une thèse concernant l'islamisation en Afrique occidentale (“Essai sur l'islamisation en Afrique occidentale: critique de la perspective historique de Triminghain”, Afurika Kenkyu, n. 32) a été l'objet d'une critique de la part de M. Shimada, parue dans la trente-troisième volume de ce Journal.
    J'ai lu attentivement cette critique, mais je n'y ai éprouvé aucun besoin de rectifier les arguments développés dans mon dernier article, étant donné que celle-là est chargée et de méprises relatives aux faits historiques et d'interprétations tendancieuses de mon étude.
    Cet article qui est destiné à rèpondre à M. Shimada reprend d'abord les grandes lignes de ma thèse pour la préciser; il indique ensuite de nombreuses erreurs commises par lui dans sa critique.
  • 篠田 知暁
    日本中東学会年報
    2014年 30 巻 1 号 33-60
    発行日: 2014/07/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines a failed attempt by the Waṭṭāsid dynasty to recover domination over the southern part of al-Maġrib al-Aqṣā during the 1510s. Portuguese conquest of the Atlantic coastal cities of the Dukkālah plain, which had been freed from the direct control of Fez since the latter half of the 15th century, resulted in four expeditions by Sultan al-Burtuġālī, who waged jihad against the infidels. However, his army was confronted by resistance from Arab tribesmen who had made peace with Manuel I, King of Portugal. To cope with this difficulty, the sultan sought help from Muslim saints in his negotiations with Arabs, as he recognized their influence among the Arab population. He selected mausoleums of deceased saints as stages for political performances to justify integrating the region into his power base. Sa‘dian sharifs also participated in the affair as vassals of the dynasty, collaborating in securing the tribes’ submission to the sultan. In view of these alliances, the conventional theory that stresses cooperation between the Sa‘dians and saints in the jihad against the Portuguese on the one hand, and their opposition to the Waṭṭāsid dynasty and the Arabs on the other, should be reexamined. However, the limited effectiveness of the Waṭṭāsid strategy became clear when the dynasty’s presence in the region disappeared with the end of the expeditions caused by drought and pestilence.
  • 浜本 一典
    宗教研究
    2011年 84 巻 4 号 1110-1111
    発行日: 2011/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池端 蕗子
    日本中東学会年報
    2017年 33 巻 1 号 39-69
    発行日: 2017/07/15
    公開日: 2018/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the sectarian conflicts in the modern Middle East as the ideological conflicts of ternary rivalry; Shiite Revolutionalism, Sunni Conservatism and Sunni Salafi-Jihadism. And also this paper clarifies how Jordan formulates its religious strategies in such situation. Jordan, as the representation of Sunni Conservatism, is attacked by both of Shiite ideology and Sunni Salafi-Jihadi ideology. Therefore, Jordan is under pressure of necessity to redefine its Sunni ideology. The Amman Message issued in 2004 shows representatively the religious strategy of Jordan. The message has significance to redefine Jordan’s Sunni ideology based on the modern situation and to revive the Sunni moderate thought. Because this Sunni ideology is supported by sacredness of the Jordan Hashemite Royal Family, descendent of Prophet Muhammad, this ideology is very characteristic compared with the other Sunni countries such as Saudi Arabia. It means that there is also rivalry within Sunni Conservatism. The Amman Message is designed not only to advocate the need for peaceful unity but also to very aggressively seize the initiative in the Islamic world in religious way. Naming this aggressive act as the Religious-Rapprochement Strategy, this paper investigates the Sunni moderate thought of Jordan in the 21st century.
  • 竹沢 尚一郎
    アフリカ研究
    1988年 1988 巻 32 号 19-43
    発行日: 1988/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    L'islamisation en Afrique occidentale a déjà fait l'objet de nombreuses études historiques et anthropologiques. Celles-ci avancent diverses thèses dont la plus autorisée est sans douse celle de Trimingham, développée dans son ouvrage écrit en 1962: A History of Islam in West Africa. Voici les grandes lignes de sa thèse: l'islamisation aurait commencé en Afrique occidentale vers le llème siècle, mais son influence serait restée marginale par rapport au système religieux traditionnel dominant encore dans toute l'Afrique noire. La situation aurait changé complètement avec l'éclatement des “guerres saintes” quise sont succédées tout au long du 19ème siècle: auparavant, l'islam n'etait que la religion des princes (“the imperial cult” au dire de Trimingham); c'est après ces guerres que l'islam serait devenu une religion nationale et populaire.
    Cette thèse est acceptée par beaucoup de chercheurs; mais elle noes paraît critiquable sur les points suivants:
    1) Cette thèse néglige l'influence des activités pacifiques des commercants islamisés du groupement mandé. Depuis le moyen âge, ils parcouraient la vaste zone de l'Afrique occidentale, du Sénégal au pays hausa, des confins sahariens au Golfe de Guinée; ils reliaient entre elles ces regions eparpillées grâce à un réseau commercial par lequel l'islam a été transmis d'une région à l'autre.
    2) Cette thèse surestime l'influence des “guerres saintes” du 19ème siècle. En fait, ces guerres ne furent pas la cause, mais l'effet d'islamisation qui s'accélérait depuis longtemps.
    3) Cette thèse élaborée dans une perspective historique ne fait que retracer de grands événements politiques et/ou religieux. Elle n'expiique pas pourquoi l'islamisation était nécessaire à la grande masse de la population, ni quel effet l'islamisation a entrainé au détriment du système religieux traditionel.
    Nous développons quant à nous dans la présente étude ces trois points, en nous appuyant et sur les données recueillies par nous-même, et sur celles foumies par les travaux récents qui sont tellement fructueux qu'ils ont transformé les images que nous avions de l'histore africaine.
  • 鷹木 恵子
    宗教と社会
    2002年 8 巻 98-104
    発行日: 2002/06/29
    公開日: 2017/07/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 寧子
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2008年 2008 巻 37 号 171-176
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2016/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 帯谷 知可
    ロシア史研究
    1992年 51 巻 15-30
    発行日: 1992/08/07
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 竹沢 尚一郎
    アフリカ研究
    2006年 2006 巻 68 号 95-97
    発行日: 2006/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山根 聡
    南アジア研究
    2012年 2012 巻 24 号 196-202
    発行日: 2012/12/15
    公開日: 2013/08/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 堀井 聡江
    オリエント
    1991年 34 巻 2 号 156-163
    発行日: 1991年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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