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  • 尾高 晋己
    オリエント
    1976年 19 巻 2 号 111-124,206
    発行日: 1976年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Barkan and Inalcik (Turkish historians) incline to suppose that ciftlik is the only type of big farm formed through the collapsing process of the timar system (the main land system of the Ottoman Empire) and incline to consider gospodarlik as a local name (more especially in Bulgaria) of the çiftlik and to identify the former with the latter. Gospodarlik is one of the most unexplored fields of research in Turkey. The most comprehensive and well-documented study in Turkey on gospodarlik is H. Inalcik, Tanzimat ve Bulgar Meselesi (Ankara, 1943) that describes generally matters of gospodarlik up to the autumn of 1851, when Zarif Pasa proceeded to the vâlî's (governor) post of Vidin eyâleti (province) in northwestern Bulgaria.
    On the other hand, Gandev and Kosev (Bulgar historians) maintain that there were distinct types of management among big farms. They regard gospodarlik as a feudal type and çiftlik as a capitalistic one. It seems that with regard to gospodarlik's management a slight difference of opinion exists among the historians mentioned above. Therefore, I suppose that there was a variety of çiftlik.
    The main document introduced in this paper is Zarif's Lâyiha (memorandum) concerning gospodarlik. This document, bearing the date of 1852, is classified IRA, no. 15687, dâhilîye at Basvekâlet Arsivi (Archives of the Office of the Prime Minister) in Istanbul.
    It is obvious that Inalclk deals chiefly with the method of gospodarizk's formation in relation to iltizam (tax farming) system, but his explanation of gospodar's (owner of gospodarlik) origin is not clear. Zarif maintains in his Lâyiha that the mutasarrif (possessor), who got a tapu (title deed) in return for some dues from the mültezim (tax farmer), became a gospodar. In the presesent paper, I try to present some problems concerning gospodarlik by dealing with gospodarlik as a type of various çiftliks and criticizing mainly Inalcik's view.
  • 16-17世紀のバルカン半島におけるミュセッレム集団の存続と変容
    岩本 佳子
    オリエント
    2017年 59 巻 2 号 200-211
    発行日: 2017/03/31
    公開日: 2020/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper explores the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and its tax-exempt auxiliary units. Throughout the 16th century, both in wartime and peacetime, these auxiliary units received tax exemptions. Their members were employed as warriors and cannon carriers, as well as laborers in dockyards, mines and so on. One type of these units, called müsellems, received fiefs, and members who gave service were supported by the others, called yamaks.

      In Western Anatolia, the müsellem system was abolished in 1582 because of a shortage of lands and tax assignments to allocate. However, investigations into the müsellems in the Balkans have been few. Because of this, it has not been clarified when müsellems were abolished in the Balkans, some claiming around the end of the 16th century and others, around the beginning of the 17th century.

      In this paper I examine the müsellem groups and the system that existed in the Balkans in the 16th and 17th centuries, making full use of tax registers, especially the tax registers held in the Archive of the General Directorate of Land Registry and Cadaster, situated in Ankara.

      I conclude that the müsellems, who had the tax exempt privilege were not abolished in the Balkans until 1602, unlike the müsellems in Western Anatolia. However, by the 1630s–1650s, the müsellems in the Balkans became normal taxpayers, that is, they became tax-farming units, so-called muḳāṭaʻas.

      I believe the reason is that in the 17th century when the Ottoman military and social system changed greatly, the Ottoman auxiliary units lost their importance to the Ottoman army, at which point the müsellems in the Balkans became normal taxpayers.

  • 米林 仁
    オリエント
    1982年 25 巻 2 号 137-143
    発行日: 1982年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 斌
    印度學佛教學研究
    1993年 42 巻 1 号 200-203
    発行日: 1993/12/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 土地法改正と行政・税制改革
    江川 ひかり
    オリエント
    1995年 38 巻 1 号 61-78
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the present paper, the author analyzes the local administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period (1839-1876) in relation to the Land Law Revisions, in order to understand the problems posed for Turkish rural society at the time. In the present paper, the Land Law Revisions means the 1858 Land Law and the process of codifications and revisions.
    The aim of the Tanzimat reform movement of the Ottoman Empire was to establish a “modern” state based on the rule of law. Prior to the reform movement, Turkish rural society can be characterized as existing in a state of weakening central control and controlled by local notables (â'yâns) acquiring de facto private ownership of land through tax farming contracts and the management of large scale farms known as çiftliks. Thus the local notables gained control over local political affairs. Therefore, the objective of the Tanzimat reforms was +o regain state control over rural society by rebuilding a centralized state order.
    Research concerning the administrative and tax reforms during the Tanzimat period has been dominated by institutional historical approaches, while the perspective of the land problem in relation to the agrarian society has been virtually ignored. On the other hand, studies concerning the Land Law Revisions from the perspective of legal history have been conducted by Ö. L. Barkan and H. Cin. The only research to date concerning the direct effects of the Tanzimat reforms on agrarian society has been conducted by H. Inalcik, who dealt primarily with the early period of the Tanzimat reforms, and thus provides minimal or no analysis of the actual influences of the post-1850 reforms and the Land Law Revisions on the rural society.
    Concerning the process of implementation of the Land Law Revisions, Y. Nagata has stressed the necessity of analyzing the political and socio-economic struggles over landownership among the central government, local notables and rural population in relation to the Ottoman Empire opening up to the penetration of the international economy. Thus with consideration to the above mentioned factors, the author focuses, in the present paper, on the interests and roles played by the above three parties in a discussion of the concrete points of dispute: namely, the strengthening of control over state land (mîrî), and a policy to standardize the âsâr tithe and later temporarily increase the rate.
    From this perspective, the author is able to show that these two attempts are very closely related not only to the Land Law Revisions, but also to the Tanzimat administrative and tax reforms. In concrete terms, firstly, the government, in order to regain control of rural society and rebuild a centralized state organization, aimed at strengthening its control over mîrî through the regional administrative mechanism. In the Title deed Act of 1859, we find detailed terms concerning the registration of land titles, which clealy illustrates an attempt to legitimize the holdings and the use of mîrî.
    Secondly, the author demonstrates that the Tanzimat tax reforms were implemented with the express purpose of guaranteeing land tax revenues as the largest source of funding for the entire reform process. After abolishing most of the traditional taxes, the government standardized the âsâr tithe at a rate of 10% for the whole country. Furthermore in 1867, in return for recognizing an enlarged inheritance rights of personal holding of the mîrî, the government temporarily attempted to increase the âsâr tithe. In other words, the firm establishment of both centralized control over mîrî in rural society and the âsâr tithe as an important source of revenue for impoverished public coff
  • 江川 ひかり
    東欧史研究
    1993年 16 巻 58-75
    発行日: 1993年
    公開日: 2018/12/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 澤井 一彰
    日本中東学会年報
    2007年 23 巻 1 号 175-195
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Istanbul was exceptionally flourished metropolises in Mediterranean and Middle East. Especially during 16th century, Istanbul faced a rapid population inflow which created number of factors led to remarkable social instabilities. First social issue was the serious food shortage and second was the deterioration of public security. As a result, number of countermeasures was taken such as stopping population inflow and resolving food shortage and security issues. Despite the significance of the issue, there was no specific research made on the population inflow in Istanbul during the late 16^<th> century. Objective of this paper is to illustrate the causal link between population growth and food shortage/social instability in late 16^<th> century by referring to Muhimme Defteri. According to the earlier studies on Istanbul demography, population grown was comparatively relaxed from late 16^<th> century to 19^<th> century. At the same time, there were number of researches made on the outstanding population growth in Istanbul in 16^<th> century. However, most of the past researches are not discussing on the impact given to Istanbul due to the population inflow. Considering above discussion as a closely connected subject will lead us to clarify the urban planning changes in Istanbul and to make in depth assessment on the casual association between urban issues and population inflow.
  • 16世紀末の王子の割礼祭を事例として
    奥 美穂子
    オリエント
    2017年 60 巻 1 号 64-77
    発行日: 2017/09/30
    公開日: 2020/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper considers gifting customs between the Ottoman ruler and officers at the Royal Festivity celebrating Prince Mehmeds circumcision in Istanbul in 1582. By analyzing business and accounting records, the customs for gifting and forms of rewards are elucidated.

    At the circumcision festival in 1582, a wide variety of gifts were presented both domestically and from abroad. Gifts, especially from within the empire, followed the contemporary gifting customs with regard to the types of items and their quantity. A combination of luxury fabrics and vessels was considered to be the basic style, and ritualistically, the number of items was based on the odd numbers so esteemed in the Islamic world. These gifting customs were well rooted and known in the 16th-century Ottoman Empire, especially for the local officers such as beylerbeyis and sancakbeyis.

    In return, Sultan Murad III gave rewards in various ways. Generally, vassals were rewarded with luxury fabrics and kaftans signifying honours and possessions. These cases also confirmed that cash or tax collection rights, serving vassals as regular income, were given by the Sultan.

    As for the role of fabrics in the gift exchanges, fabrics were gathered to Istanbul from various areas and some of them were then delivered to the two treasuries of the Empire. In addition, it was fabrics and kaftans made by luxury fabrics that were rewarded to vassals. In other words, fabrics useful as high-quality gifts also functioned as a medium signifying loyalty and protection between the Ottoman ruler and officers in the gift-exchange system of the Ottoman Empire.

  • 下浜 啓子
    東欧史研究
    1981年 4 巻 49-72
    発行日: 1981年
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 永田 雄三
    史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 1 号 99-111
    発行日: 1995/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 澤井 一彰
    オリエント
    2002年 45 巻 2 号 75-92
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify the Narh system, which was an official price system in Istanbul, using historical records of the 16th and 17th century. Until now, since only research on the Narh system has consisted of a few notes attached to the transcripts of the Narh defteri (register), the actual condition of the Narh system has been seldom clarified. This paper tries to clarify the actual condition of the Narh system by using the Mühimme defteri and the Kanunname in addition to the Narh defteri.
    In the Ottoman Empire, as the population increased rapidly in the 16th century, procurement of food and its smooth distribution became indispensable. Especially, since many people flowed into Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, it was a top government priority to ensure the smooth distribution of goods there.
    In this situation, the Narh system, where prices were determined by the Ottoman government, was very important at the following two points. The first point was protecting people from shortage of goods, unfair dealings or speculation. At that time, when the price of grain jumped because of the chronic shortage of grain, unfair dealings and hoarding were rampant in Istanbul. The Ottoman government tried to stabilize the price using the Narh system, and also tried to bring about regular distribution by forbidding these injurious acts. The second point was preventing a rapid fall in the price of goods produced by esnafs by having decided the price of their products, in addition to supplying a sufficient quantity of materials to esnafs at the official price. By selling goods at a price set by the Narh system, esnafs were able to have their profits stabilized without suffering damage from dumping. This promoted smooth distribution of the products produced by esnafs while guaranteeing procurement of raw materials for esnafs and their production activity.
  • 小笠原 弘幸
    日本中東学会年報
    2004年 20 巻 1 号 121-149
    発行日: 2004/09/30
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    Onsekizinci yuzyilin baslarinda Osmanli Devleti'nde resmi tarihci olarak vekayi'-nuvis (vak'a-nuvis) muessesesi kurulmustur. Vekayi'-nuvisler Osmanli Devleti'nin sonuna kadar tayin edilip eserlerini yazmaya devam ettiler. Islam tarih yazimi gelenegi icerisinde resmi tarihcilik sadece Osmanli Devleti'nde oldugu icin arastirilmaya deger bir konudur. Bundan onceki calismam muessesesinin ilk donemleri hakkindaydi ("Osmanli Devleti'nde Vekayi'-nuvis Muessesesinin Kurulusu (Japonca), " Shigaku Zasshi (Tarih Dergisi), 111/1 (2002)). Bu makalemde Na'ima Mustafa Efendi (olm. 1716) ile Sadrazam Sehid 'Ali Pasa tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid Mehmed Efendi (olm. 1735)'nin gercek anlamda resmi vekayi'-nuvis sayilamiyacagini iddia ediyorum. Devamli bir devlet hizmeti olarak vekayi'-nuvislik, kaimmakam (sonra Sadrazam) olan Nevsehirli Ibrahim Pasa'nin 1717de Rasid'e Tarih-i Na'ima'ya devam etmesini emretmesiyle baslamistir. O'nu takibeden Kucukcelebizade Isma'il 'Asim Efendi (olm. 1769) zamaninda muessese devam etmistir. Vekayi'-nuvislik muessesesi hakkinda yeterli arastirma yoktur. Muessesenin kurulusu ve olaylari kaleme alma tarzi goz onunde bulundurularak arastirilmalidir. Yapilan arastirmalara gore Na'ima genel olarak "dusunceli, tenkitci vs., " Rasid ve sonraki vekayi'-nuvisler "sikici, tenkitsiz vs." olarak degerlendirilir. Fakat hala Na'ima'dan baska ilk vekayi'-nuvisler hakkinda ciddi calisma yapilmamistir. Bundan dolayi bu makalede Na'ima, Rasid (Sehid 'Ali tarafindan tayin edildigi donem - Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edildigi donem) ve Kucukcelebizade'nin eserleri karsilastilarak degerlendirilmistir. Bu calismamda vekayi'-nuvislerin sahip olduklari ideolojik alt yapilari ve mesruiyet kuramlari ortaya konmaya calisilmistir. Karsilastirmayi net bir sekilde ortaya koymak icin asagda gosterilen dort nokta uzerinde durulmustur; 1 tarihin faydasi / 2 tarih yazimi / 3 "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi / 4 siyasal amac. Na'ima, tarihin faydasi uzerine etraflica dusunmus ve tarih yazimi olarak yedi usulden bahsetmistir. "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi de olmustur. Onun siyasal amaci ise Na'ima'nin intisab ettigi Sadrazam Amcazade Huseyin Pasa'nin akdettigi Karlofca Andlasmasi (1699)'nin mesruiyeti olmustur. Bunu eserinin mukaddemesinde gorebiliriz. Sehid 'Ali tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid, ilk uc nokta hakkinda pek bahsetmemektedir. Siyasal amac olarak Sehid 'Ali'nin seferlerini (Venedik ve Avusturya'ya karsi) cok basarili bularak bu seferleri ovmustur. Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edilen Rasid, onsozde Na'ima'yi ornek alarak yazacagini belirtmistir. Halbuki buna ragmen Na'ima gibi yazmamis, esas olarak Sehid 'Ali doneminde kendi tarzini kullanmistir. Siyasal amac, Nevsehirli tarafindan akdedilen Pasarofca muahedesi (1718)'nin mesruiyeti idi. Kucukcelebizade ise Rasid'i tamamen taklit ederek yazmistir. Ayni zamanda Nevsehirli'nin Dogu siyasetini - Iran'a kadar asker gonderme (1723) ve Carlik Rusya'si ile anlasmayi (1724) - basarili bulmus ve ona ovguler yagdirmistir. Sonuc olarak diyebiliriz ki, Na'ima ve sonraki vekayi'-nuvisler (Rasid ve Kucukcelebizade) arasinda tarihin faydasi, tarih yazimi, "Siyasetname" lerin ve tarih felsefesinin etkisi hakkinda cok farkli gorusler olmus ve bunun sonucunda yazma usulunde degisikler ortaya qikmistir. Siyasal amac da, herkesin kendi patronunun mesruiyeti icin calismasidir. Rasid, Nevsehirli tarafindan tayin edilirken Na'ima'yi ornek alarak yazacagini soylemesine ragmen ilk uc nokta uzerine Na'ima'dan cok farkli bir sekilde yazmistir. Demek ki, resmi tarih yaziminda vekayi'-nuvislikte

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  • 松尾 有里子
    日本中東学会年報
    1996年 11 巻 39-69
    発行日: 1996/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    The Mulazemet System in the Ilmiye Organization in the Ottoman Empire (1520-1620): According to Candidate Registers (Rumeli Kazaskerligi Ruznamesi) In the reign of Sultan Suleyman The Magnificent (1520-1566), Ottoman ulema belonged to Ilmiye, a professional hierarchical organization comitted to judicature and education. Ilmiye consisted of muderris, kadi and mufti offices with their own career patterns and it worked as a bureaucracy. However, it has been difficult so far to know the process of appointment or recruitment to this hierarchy due to the scarcity of historical materials. In 1537, Suleyman ordered Ebussuud Efendi, who was in the office of Rumeli Kazaskeri, to register regularly distinguished students as candidates to Ilmiye officials. These candidates were called mulazim, and mulazemet, which meant the state of being candidates. This mulazemet system was significant in controling the quality and quantity of ulema by unifying the path to Ilmiye. The purpose of this paper is to examine this recruiting system mainly as reported in the unpublished ottoman documents, "Rumeli Kazaskerligi Ruznamesi" (No.1 H.951-959, No.7 H.1007-1016). These documents which contain 1392 registered mulazims will certainly help us understand the details required for the membership of Ilmiye. Through these registers together with other historical materials, this paper tries to reach a comprehensive idea not only outlining the mulazemet system, but also determining its function as a mechanism of promotion in Ilmiye. According to the contents of these registrations, there were five ways for medrese students to acquire mulazemet: (1) Examinations (especially those held among the students whose teachers had deceased) (2) Starting as clerks (fetva emini, tezkereci) under the offices of Seyhulislam and Kazasker for six months (3) Recommendations from high officials in Ilmiye. (4) By the mediation of princes, Vezirazams and other high officials in the central administration (5) Registered automatically when desired if they are sons of high officials or qualified as "beratla mu'id". One should realize that a student had to study and be involved in business practices under the supervision of high officials in order to be a mulazim. If he finished this apprenticeship, his supervisor would then recommend him to the Sultan as an Ilmiye official candidate. The emergence of the mulazemet system brought some changes to the lives of students and to Ilmiye from the latter half of the 16th. century to the early 17th. century. Students came to make connections actively with high officials rather than studying in medrese. As Seyhulislam, Kazasker and Vezirazam gained the privilege of appointment of official posts, including the authority of mulazim recommendations, students rushed at those officials for the purpose of getting a share of the distribution of Ilmiye offices. Some of them tried to forge relationships with many influential ulema and Vezirazams at the same time; others took advantage of these connections to obtain mulazemet without finishing the educational programs in medrese. Most students made use of this relationship (the intisab relationship) with high officials to get their own quick promotions after joining Ilmiye. In this way medrese lost the reason for existing as a high educational institution, and changed into merely a place of supporting students in order to establish contact with high officials. The relationship between a professor and a student changed its shape to one that stands between a superior and a subordinate in the professional hierarchy. Some incumbent officials used to sell their posts or accept bribes from students and lower officials. The order and morals inside Ilmiye were corrupted by degrees. On the other hand, some people attained mulazemet to make ill use of the rule of getting the status in return for business practices. Some of them worked

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  • 齋藤 久美子
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 8 号 1492-1518,1604-
    発行日: 2000/08/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    During the reign of Selim I(1512-1520), the Ottoman Empire conquered the Diyarbakir region, which was an important area including major routes linked to Anatolia and Northern Syria, and a border area between Ottoman and Safavid territories. Most scholars have taken great interest over the years in the politicohistorical developments of the Ottoman conquest of the Diyarbakir lands. This paper, however, high-lights the social developments during the conquest of the Diyarbakir region by utilizing primary Ottoman and Diyarbakir sources. The man behind the conquest was Kurd-born Idris Bidlisi, who was in the service of Selim I, and the author of an Ottoman source. He was ordered to promote submission by the Kurdish amirs(chieftains)to Ottoman rule due to his knowledge of Kurdish affairs. Most of the amirs accepted Idris's counsel and allied themselves against their common enemy, the Safavids. Although amirs and some leaders of the Ruzeki tribe ruled Bidlis in a tribal society, as seen from the case of Bidlis, they did not come from any sub-tribes of Ruzeki as previously thought. Besides this fact, amirs had various kinds of relations with the neighboring Kurdish amirs from the mid-14th century. The reason for an alliance between the amirs and the Ottomans was the result of a hostile policy of contempt by the Safavids toward the amirs. The Ottomans, on the other hand, permitted the amirs to maintain rulership over their territories, land-holding and their traditional way of life, even under the suzerainty of the Ottomans.
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