The Alimentary Tables of Veleia and Ligures Baebiani provide us with most important information on landholding conditions in Italy during the early Empire. Many scholars who have investigated these tables conclude that they, especially the Baebian Table, testify to the survival of small holdings, though they indicate the development of latifundia as well. But in the Table of Baebiani, the landowners don't register all of their estates. The data in this table is therefore not as instructive as is often thought. We should examine the landholding conditions mainly through the analysis of the Table of Veleia. My conclusion regarding landholding distribution is as follows. (1)In the Table of Veleia six large landowners (including one who appears only as a neighbour) are found. They seem to have possessed the larger part of the land in this district. (2)At least sixty or seventy medium-sized landowners (including at least twenty or thirty neighbours) form the middle class. (3)More than a hundred and fifty who do not register their estates and appear only as neighbours, perhaps together with those who never appear in this table, form a large group of small-owners. The estates of wealthy landowners composed of many component fundi each of which was made up from a few smaller fundi. The component fundi are in many cases contiguous. Therefore an estate of a wealthy landowner was either a single integrated estate or consisted of groups of contiguous component fundi. This landholding situation has already been seen in the Alimentary Tables and is in accordance with evidence provided by the agrimensores and Younger Pliny. The landowners of this period endeavoured to integrate their estates, through such incidental opportunities as inheritance or purchase. These efforts, however, did not lead to large-scale cultivation. Their estates were probably divided into small or medium size parcels of land.

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Among various associations formed by the population of the Roman Empire, were ones with funeral activities as their primary purpose Th Mommsen m the mid 19th century maintained that such associations (collegia funeraticia) were made by the poor and recognized by a senatorial decree en bloc His theory is based on interpretation of a passage of Marcianus (in the early 3rd century) which reports that tenuiores were permitted to contribute monthly dues to collegia(Dig 47 22 1), and of a senatorial decree cited in an inscription of an association of cultores Dianae et Antinoi found in Lanuvium(CIL xiv 2112, AD 136) Mommsen's theory was accepted by most scholars until in 1982 it was criticized thoroughly by Ausbuttel He maintained that tenuiores in the passage of Marcianus are to be taken as common (die einfache) not necessarily poor people, and that the senatorial decree in CIL xiv 2112 recognized that collegium of cultores specifically, not all collegia funeraticia generally Moreover he denied the very category of collegia funeraticia The author examines the sources and concludes as follows Ausbuttel's interpretations of tenuiores is right, and there existed no legal category of collegia tenuiorum In the sole example of this term in Roman legal sources (Dig 47 22 3 2), it means merely "associations of common people" Ausbuttel's integration of the Lanuvium inscription, based on its revision by Gordon, cannot be accepted without reservations, but his conclusion itself is right the collegia funeraticia did not exist as a legal category We can, however, use this term to characterize a group of collegia whose main activity was care for their members' burials Members of these collegia were not so needy, if not wealthy, judging from the charges enumerated in the Lanuvium inscription (admission fee, dues, and burden for banquets) When a member died, the collegia provided the cost of funeral and burial from their funds, and other members attended the ceremonies A decent funeral was no doubt one of the strongest motives for entering these collegia However other activities, such as the cult and festivals of their guardian gods, and social banquets were no less important The construction and activities of funeral clubs, as we have seen, cannot be clearly distinguished from those of religious and professional associations Many professional associations were concerned with funeral activities in some way, and had their guardian gods maintaining temples or altars, and religious associations were evidently similar Furthermore banquets seem to have been important events to most Roman associations Collegia in the Roman Empire were voluntary associations centered around religious activities (including funerals) and sociability It would aid our understanding of contemporary social organization if we could better understand the social ties of their members

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The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the role of patronage, by investigating its practice in Italian communities under the Empire Most scholars have argued that the patronage of communities, as well as other kinds of patronage, had lost their significance under the Empire In recent years, however, some scholars have asserted that patronage continued playing an important role in Roman society under the Empire Accordingly, the author investigates such patronage First, the author analyses the status of communal patrons, and finds that while, in the 1st Century, Imperial leaders of the Empire had the majority of patrons, by the 2nd Century it was the native leaders who did so Secondly, he investigates cases which elucidate the process of coopting communal patrons The case of Aquinum (CIL X 5393) shows that, in the 1st century, some communal patrons were sent to communities by the Emperors in order to calm internal quarrels The cases of Ferentinum and Tifernum Tiberinum (CIL VI 1492 & Plinius, epistulae VI 1) show that, in the 2nd century, the communities themselves, rather, took the initiative in coopting patrons by making patronage an honorary function and position Thus, the patronage of communities in Italy did not lose its significance at the beginning of the Empire but in the early 2nd century

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Historians have described the urban society of the early Roman Empire as binary structure of ordo decurionum and populus. This framework has been revised due to resent deepening of studies on Augustales or collegiati, who enjoyed certain social status. However, scholars pay little attention to apparitores(salaried officials serving the local magistrates in municipalities). In this paper, I will analyze social meanings of apparitores in Ostia, a major port city of the imperial Rome. Ostia was not a typical city of Roman Empire because of its commerce-oriented economy, but it left many inscriptions which give a significant insight into the nature of apparitores. Ostia's system of apparitores was a standard one. It consisted of scribae cerarii, scribae librarii, lictores, viatores, and praecones. I identified profiles of nine apparitores in Ostia. A lictor curiatius, who had served in Ostia or Rome, thereafter succeeded in holding a position of aedile of Ostia. A scriba librarius was bestowed ornamenta decurionalia by ordo. Their careers embody their upward mobility. But one of characteristics of Ostia's apparitores is their membership in collegium. Four apparitores belonged to a collegium of fabri tignuarii(craftsmen), and assumed its honorary position (master or scriba). It was the fire brigade and brought certain status to its members. Its members in Ostia called themselves soldiers (milites, caligati), and this self-representation shows their pride as firefighters. The careers of the four apparitores mean that they played double roles of the officer in the municipal administration and the firefighter. This fact might suggest that some apparitores in Ostia established their social status through the roles of both minor official and firefighter. A collegium of hastiferi(spear-bearers) was also the case in point. It was a religious collegium serving the cult of Bellona(goddess of war). A scriba cerarius made two dedications in the clubhouse of hastiferi to numen dumus Augustae, genius decurionum, and L. Verus. The temple of Bellona was built at the expense of lictores, viatores, and honore usi (together with servi publici and liberti coloniae). Their connections with the collegium may be explained by its function of giving status to the members. Bellona, whom hastiferi worshipped, was the follower of Magna Mater. Like fabri tignuarii, the collegium of dendrophori (timber-bearer), performing the ritual of Attis, brought certain status to its members. Accordingly, it may be argued that hastiferi had the same function as these two collegia, and that lictores and viatores obtained higher social status through the membership in hastiferi. In sum, apparitores in Ostia were those who were involved in both lower administrative offices and collegia performing public activities. Although their careers may not be characterized as upward mobility, they distinguished themselves from the rest of the population. Consequently, we can assume that the urban structure of the early Roman Empire consisted not only of ordo decurionum and populus, but also of several other elements such as apparitores, collegia, and Augustales.

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Nel 123 aC fu istituito da C Gracco il sistema della distnbuzione del grano a Roma (frumentationes) che garantiva ai cittadini romani di poter comperare ogni mese una certa quantita a un prezzo politico Nel 53 a C il sisitema fu sostituito da P Clodio con una nuova forma di distnbuzione annonaria A partire da questo periodo i cittadini romani in particolari condizioni potevano godere del grano gratuito dallo Stato Il numero massimo della plebs frumentaria poteva arrivare fino a 320000 Cesare e l'lmperatore Augusto ndussero il numero dei nceventi Nel periodo augusteo la citta di Roma aveva circa un milione di abitanti e quasi tutti i loro fabbisogni dipendevano dalla produzione cerealicola delle province d'oltremare Nel 22 a C Augusto acetto direttamente tutta la responsabilita dell'approvvigionamento del grano (cura annonae] Di consequenza, lo Stato doveva provvedere non solo alle frunmentationes, ma anche all'mtera procedura annonaria della Capitale Alia foce del Tevere si trovava la citta portuale di Ostia con cui Roma fu collegata dalla via fluviale La citta fu fondata mizialmente con un obbiettivo militare difensivo, ma divento un centre di raccolta e di distnbuzione dei vari prodotti provinciali in virtu dei potenziamenti portuali eseguiti dagli imperatori Claudio e Traiano per assicurare l'importdzione del grano d'oltremare Dal punto di vista infrastrutturale del trasporto del grano, il sistema annonario fu completato A Roma era distnbuito il grano e ci si trovavano i fornai (pistores] Alcuni potevano mangiare il pane prodotto da loro, ma la maggior parte dei poveri dovevano mangiarlo come puls Traiano, secondo Aurelio Vittorio, escogito il collegium pistorum e lo rafforzo Anche ad Ostia si trovano sei aree delle attivita dei fornai e ci rimangono nove iscnzioni relative al collegium (corpus) pistorum Come era la relazione fra il corpus pistorum e la cura annonae ad Ostia? Per questo, prendiamo in considerazione una iscnzione onorana di M Licnio Privato scoperto nella citta (CIL XIV 374=ILS 6165) Questa epigrafe e composta da 20 righe Le righe 3^a, 7^i, 12^a e 14^a incise con i caratteri piu piccoli sono state inserite in un secondo momento in quella originale Ma tutte le righe ongmali e inserite sono relative alla stessa persona M Licino Privato Le righe originali ci mdicano che l'onorato fu magister quinquennalis del collegium tignuariorum Ostiensium e fece la donazione dei 50000 sesterzi alia citta di Ostia Per questa munificenza gli fu concesso I'honor biselli Le quattro righe msente ci indicano che lui fu quaestor et quinquennalis del corpus pistorum Ostiensium et Portensium Mentre suo figlio e suo nipote diventarono decuriones della citta, a lui stesso furono concessi solo gli ornamenta decunonalia Considerando le 31 iscrizioni riguardanti la concessione degli ornamenta negli ambiti municipali dell'Italia, la maggior parte dei nceventi era di condizione libertina e furono concessi gli ornamenta come un riconoscimento ai loro atti evergetici verso una citta Una delle tre iscnzoni, rmvenute ad Ostia sulla concessione degli ornamenta dei decunoni, indica che gli ornamenta furono dati a un procurator annonae Ostiensis (CIL XIV 2045=ILS 5651) Perche gli ornamenta decunonalia furono concessi a chi lavorava sotto il controllo dello State? M Licinio Privato non era che un magistrate del corpus pistorum e non apparteneva alla gestinone della cura annonae Ma, ad Ostia c'erano molti lavoratori nell'ambito annonario Oltre a questi ci stanzavano anche i vigiles Nella loro caserma non c'e nessuna traccia dell'attivita della panificazione Il corpus pistorum di Ostia doveva fornirgli il pane Pensando alla ragion d'essere della citta, possiamo giungere a una conclusione partecipare all'attivita annonaria, ad Ostia, significava contemporaneamente dare un contribute alla citta stessa e gli ornamenta furono

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Although L. Ross Taylor has produced excellent studies, the organization of tribes, especially in the late Republic, hasn't yet been sufficiently clarified. In this paper, by examining electoral activities of the divisores, who distributed bribes on behalf of candidates, the author attempts to elucidate the personal relationship within the tribe, so that the importance of the tribes in the late Republic will also be illustrated. Using a prosopographical approach, it was determined that the divisores, as generally accepted, were men of influence such as equites Romani, and that the position of the divisores could have been a means of social mobility. Although the divisores assisted candidates in an election campaign, they weren't the candidates' henchmen. They were, rather, professionals of electoral corruption whose sphere of activity was within their own tribes. The importance of the role they played in election campaigns is indicated in an event of 67 B. C. The Senate vigorously opposed a proposal on electoral corruption which stipulated that penalties should be imposed not only on offending candidates, but also on the divisores ; agents of electoral corruption. Thus, the divisores, who acted tribe by tribe, were indispensable to election campaigns, as such, indicates the political importance of the tribes in the late Republic. However, still more significant is the fact that in spite of their importance as demonstrated above, the divisores were pejoratively and even negatively treated. The reason for such treatment is probably that the Roman politicians were eager to get the votes of other tribes through the activities of the divisores, while they also feared losing control as patrons of their own tribes through the very same activities. We conclude that the tribe continued to be important as a unit of patronage in the late Republic.

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This article attempts to clarify the actual conditions of election campaign supporters known as divisor and gratiosus in late republican Rome, in order to explain the reason why the former appeared on the public electoral scene at that time. The divisor has been understood in the research to date as a person engaged by a politician to distribute bribes with the aim of buying the votes of each tribus. His employment in electoral campaigns was widely denounced and also viewed as illegal. On the other hand, the gratiosus appears in the sources as a person whose support an electoral candidate needed to win. The recent research on Roman elections, by neglecting to clarify the similarities and differences between these two figures, implies that a gratiosus can be considered as identical to a divisor. The aim of the present article is to investigate whether similarities and differences do exist between the two. By focusing on the actual character of these personages, the author finds that both belonged to the wealthier classes and enjoyed a certain level of influence within their tributes, which are the reasons why their electoral support was sought by politicians. On the other hand, while the "gratiosus" implied indiscriminately throughout the wealthier classes, the "divisor" never implied the senator and indicated only supporter of rival candidates. These facts lead the author to conclude that among the influential figures, gratiosus, those who supported the rival candidates and belonged to the equestrian order and below were on occasion called "divisor". As to the reason why the divisor appeared on the electoral scene in late republican Rome, after the Social War, powerful figures throughout Italy, principes, who had newly obtained Roman citizenship were able to increase their influence within their tribules and thus became valued as important gratiosi. This development consequently led to a relative weakening of the influence exerted by the existing ruling establishment, which was then forced to rely on the support of these gratiosi in order to maintain the status quo. Electoral campaigns to gain the support of gratiosi through bribery spread, and the pejorative term "divisor" was coined by electoral candidates in condemning opponents who dared wage such campaigns.

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The centuriate assembly, which elected higher magistrates such as consuls or praetors during the Roman republic, had at its disposal - at least in the case of consular elections - a specific voting system called Centuria Praerogativa. This was the first century to cast its vote and the result was proclaimed separately from the others. Many scholars have assumed that the voting of this one century often had a decisive influence over the centuries that followed, so that the candidates selected by this one century won the competition. Their studies, therefore, have focused on explaining the significance of its influence, especially in the light of recent discussions about the political importance or influence of the Roman people. However, by analyzing some sources which are considered to indicate the influence of Centuria Praerogativa in their proper context, I will argue that the great influence exerted by this century is found under certain conditions pertaining to the elections, which have not adequately studied yet. Accordingly this paper aims to analyze the influence of Centuria Praerogativa by asking when and how this century was followed by the other centuries. I first analyze one actual election, the consular election of 53 BC. In this election, there were four candidates with equal chances of winning, but two of these would be in a more favorable position than the rest once they have promised Centuria Praerogativa a huge amount of money. From this it can be surmised that the influence of Centuria Praerogativa emerges in the case of close elections. And this is actually confirmed by some ancient sources explaining the function of this century. According to them, Centuria Praerogativa was supposed to work as a unifying factor for the other centuries. Therefore, for Centuria Praerogativa to fulfill this function, there needed to exist a situation that the voting of the rest could be split between candidates with a possibility of a close election. However, the consular election for the year 63 BC seems not to have been such a case. Of the two candidates with a chance of winning - and despite the fact that one of them must have won the votes of Centuria Praerogativa - the victor won the election by a very close margin. However, based on the voting system that allowed the electorate to cast at any time as many votes as was the quorum for the magistrate concerned, it seems possible to argue from this case that Centuria Praerogativa exerted its influence not on the higher strata of the centuries but rather on the lower ones. And this also corresponds to the above view, because the lower centuries could take part in balloting when the election was closely contested. To conclude, it is during close election that the Centuria Praerogativa exerted its decisive influence over the following centuries, possibly over the lower strata of the centuries. And this argument should caution us not to overestimate the political importance or influence of the Roman people.

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(This paper is based on the lecture which I gave at the annual general meeting of SHIGAKU-KAI, The Historical Society of Japan, held on the 5th November 1977 at the University of Tokyo.) In what sense can one speak of the "Mediterranean World" in antiquity? What does "world" mean, when one speaks of the "Mediterranean World"? There must be a common principle, by which one can regard the vast and various areas around the Mediterranean Sea as a "world." There is no question that the domination of the Roman Empire only realized the Mediterranean world as a "world". The question is on what her domination was based. Was it based on the mere "imperialistic policy" that was hardly related to this principle? These are the questions which I posed in the lecture ; and I answered as follows. It was because of the existence of a kind of law peculiar to the Mediterranean areas, under the influence of which communities there developed, that one can understand the Mediterranean regions in antiquity, in spite of wide varieties within them, as a united "world." I call the communities, which developed under the force of the law peculiar to the Mediterranean areas, "citizen-communities". And the domination of the Roman Empire also, I think, was brought about by the policy which Rome as a citizen-community adopted against the tendency of her community to dissolve itself, the tendency resulted from its development under the force of this law peculiar to those areas. From such an understanding of the Mediterranean world and the Roman Empire, I proceed to explain the structure of the social classes as follows. Rome,the most developed citizen-community, is to be regarded as the governing class of the Mediterranean world, but as governed classes one must see on the one hand a great many other communities (civitates peregrinae) which were dominated politically by Rome, and on the other, a great many peoples (slaves) who were robbed of their own communities by Rome. Accordingly, I suggest, the Mediterranean world may be said to have begun to break down when the citizen-communities were thought to have stopped developing, while there began to break out more and more violent slave uprisings and native revolts both of which are to be understood as the movements to recover their own communities or to reestablish them. From these theoretical standpoints, I sought to reinterpret the development of the Mediterranean world in antiquity.

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In recent years, academic circles have been swayed for the most part by the new theory an advocating drastic changes in home's economic structure during the middle of the second century B.C.. This theory, though accepting the influence of slave labour, does not overestimate the importance of cheap labour influx from abroad, but puts its emphasis on the continuation of the subsistence peasant class and its role in agricultural labour. In this article, the author examines by means of analyzing M. Porcius Cato's De Agri Cultura whether this new theory is genuine, while looking into the ambiguous situation in the rural districts at the time. In chapter 1, a research history of 'opelarius' is presented, since small and middle peasants were called 'operarii' in Cato's work. Controversies over them focus on six points : (1)the meaning of 'operarius', (2)Varro's testimony, (3)the equipment need to run an olive and a wine farmstead, (4)Cat., Agr. 4, (5)legal materials (Dig. 33.7.18.5 ; 50.16.203), and (6)Plautus' case. In chapter 2, a general outline of rural society in Campagna as a model of De Agri Cultra is offered on the basis of archaeological materials and later literature. The following chapters, then demonstrate the model in accordance with the six points described in chapter 1. Point 1 has to be understood from context ; therefore the other points are more important. Point 2 has a precondition that familia is a slave. That familia means slave is undisputed. Analyzing Cato's work, however, his familia does include free labour. The existence of eight free labourers on his wine farmstead is, in fact, verified by making a thorough investigation of point 3, that operarius on the farm was a slave. Adding these two facts mentioned above, vicini (=neighbours) engage in the villa's works as operarii. It is, hence, clear that such vicini, as free peasants living in the neighbourhood, may have been affected by dominus, and they may have stood socially in a peculiar position owing to their continuous employment on the villa. Consequently, a vivid image concerning operarius appears through points 5 and 6. Operarii in De Agri Cultura indicate small-and middle-scale peasants, Cato as an owner of a villa needed many of these operarii in the form of labourers residing in the neighbourhood. As examined in the wine farmstead in particular, some of these people worked always with dominus' slaves, and belonged to his familia. This shows how a specialized social strata in a rural district originally arose, and how the social conditions of such free peasants on the wine farmstead can be considered as an original form of the dependent free peasant of later ages. In conclusion, the author accepts the new theory on the point that the many free peasants did exist, but further adds to it that they were tending towards dependency upon villa owners.

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Ancient Rome had a special type of succession, i.e. succession on condicio nominis ferendi (the condition that the heir takes the testator's name). While scholars have paid little attention to the custom until now, its importance in Roman society should not be overlooked. Although the origin of succession on condicio nominis ferendi is unclear, one can certainly trace its existence to the Late Republic, contrary to Th. Mommsen and his followers. The cases of the testamentary adoptions of Dolabella, Tiberius, Drusus Libo, and Salvitto attest to this. Cicero's testimony suggests, moreover, that succession of this kind was not rare in his time. In the Principate, emperors were inclined to secure their successor to the throne by normal adoption. However, senators and other elites often used succession on condicio nominis ferendi instead of adoption, according to the prosopographical data of O. Salomies. This tendency among elites grew remarkably after the age of Augustus. Succession on condicio nominis ferendi probably replaced adoption, notwithstanding their essential differences, because contemporaries recognized the differences less and less. In the literary works of the Principate, they are both written in the same way, e.g. adoptare/adoptio, and in nomen adsciscere; the testator and the successor to his name are called father and son. Appearing as early as in the Late Republic, Caesar's famous adoption of Octavius illustrates this. Octavius at first was no more than the successor to Caesar's name, only becoming his son when the lex curiata authorized the adoption post mortem in August 43 B.C. Nevertheless, even before the event, everyone saw Octavius as Caesar's son. Contemporaries must have then identified succession on condicio nominis ferendi with adoption.

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Curatores rei publicae were officials appointed by the Roman imperial government to Italian cities to supervise local fiscal administration from the second century onward. Such appointments have been regarded as the largest scale intervention in municipal self-government throughout the history of the Principate. Historians currently hold the following views concerning this situation (1) curatores were employed only temporarily ; and (2) the range of their activities was confined to those duties assigned by the emperor (i.e., fiscal supervision). They conclude that curatores neither intervened in nor restricted municipal self-government. The problem here is that the research to date only focuses on the activities of curatores during their incumbencies and thus does not properly evaluate the significance of their appointments. M.Saltori has suggested that the above-mentioned views should be revised to (1)' curatores were active longer than the current research assumes ; and (2)' in practice, their activities sometimes went beyond the range of municipal public finance, extending to those of municipal patrons providing fiscal assistance. The argument presented here is that curatores fiscally assisted municipalities, and that such activity was not necessarily an extension of their formal duties, and thus should be understood as additional tasks of municipal patrons. Such curatores strengthened their relations with municipalities through prolonged incumbency or successive appointments and thereby were sometimes selected as municipal patrons during after their incumbencies. Consequently, it could be concluded that the appointment of curatores meant the introduction of municipal patrons to assist in local fiscal affairs of Italiancities under the Principate.

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The legal status of a colonus in the first half of the history of the Roman Empire was that of a free person. He was acknowledged to possess various rights in relation to his landlord, but the landlord could subordinate a colonus due to the colonus' duty to pay rent. During the second and third centuries rent came to be paid in kind. The growth of latifundia at this time pulled the colonus away from the markets and must have furthered his dependence on the landlord, as it helped spread the custom of rent payment in kind. Moreover, a colonus' debts deprived him of freedom of movement. As longterm tenancy became common, "relocatio tacita" was put into practice. In this from of tenancy the will of the landlords proved to be absolute. These tendencies intensified during the crisis of the Roman Empire in the third century. However, so long as the Empire remained a state of slave-owners and a complex of city communities, Roman law never recognized the legality of a colonus being bound to the land. Legislation which recognized such bondage in the fourth century directly reflected the interests of the landlords and stemmed from a change in the state system of the Empire.

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