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  • 坂田 道生
    美学
    2011年 62 巻 2 号 113-
    発行日: 2011/12/31
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 原 忠彦
    民族學研究
    1969年 33 巻 3-4 号 263-264
    発行日: 1969/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安養寺 久男
    農業土木学会誌
    2001年 69 巻 4 号 389-394,a2
    発行日: 2001/04/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    ルーマニアは大農業国であり, 農業は大地主制のもとで発展してきた。大地主制が解体されたのは第2次世界大戦後である。しかし, 農民に配分された農地は, 農業生産協同組合化計画に基づいて再び集積された。1989年の革命以来, 経済活動に市場経済原理を導入するための努力が続けられている。農業についても, 種々の政策が採られており, 重要なものは農地の私有財産化である。農業生産協同組合に集積されていた農地は, もとの所有者あるいは相続人に返還されている。農地返還は農業再建に強い影響を及ぼしている。現在行われている農地返還を, 農地の所有形態の変遷の中に位置づけた。
  • 森田貞雄 著 『アイスランド語文法』ほか
    下宮 忠雄
    言語研究
    1982年 1982 巻 82 号 139-144
    発行日: 1982/09/30
    公開日: 2013/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 増田 義郎
    民族學研究
    1969年 33 巻 3-4 号 264-266
    発行日: 1969/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 菅原 淳子
    東欧史研究
    2010年 32 巻 62-66
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2019/04/14
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 坂田 道生
    美学
    2014年 65 巻 1 号 37-48
    発行日: 2014/06/30
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    The column of Trajan was completed in 113 A.D. to commemorate the victory in the Dacian War. This paper reexamines the meaning of two sacrificial scenes (86, 98-99), which have been interpreted as the pledge for victory. In scene 86, the emperor performs sacrifice in front of a theatre in a harbor, while he pours libation in front of the huge bridge over the Donau allegedly constructed by Apollodorus of Damascus in scene 98-99. Before the reign of Trajan, sacrificial iconographies for the pledge of victory usually have temple architectures in the background, which implies gods the sacrifices are dedicated to. However, in the two scenes, typical roman architectures are represented in the background. I would argue that the two scenes represent not the pledge for victory, but commemorating the completion of typical Roman architectures. Two scenes may also have a meaning of praising Trajan, who completed the great construction in Roman colonies. This characteristics can also be seen not only in other scenes on the column of Trajan such as constructing roads, military camps and bridges, but also in the inscription on the base of the column.
  • アンティオコス三世時代の場合
    大戸 千之
    西洋史学
    1968年 79 巻 43-
    発行日: 1968年
    公開日: 2022/12/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大清水 裕
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 2 号 161-198
    発行日: 2012/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    At the beginning of 238, a revolt broke out at Thysdrus against the regime of Maximinus Thrax in the Africa Proconsularis. Despite the suppression of the revolt in the span of three weeks, the Senate of Rome continued to resist the emperor, who was assassinated at Aquileia during his march on Rome. The purpose of this article is to reconsider the situation in North Africa at the time in question through mainly African inscriptions. The article begins with a discussion of the origin of the revolt. Herodian says that it was caused by the avarice of the emperor and his procurator. Many scholars have accepted this explanation and think that their avarice means the increased tax burden on Africa due to the war on the northern frontier. However, the African provinces were enjoying stability during this so-called "3 rd century crisis" following the revolt, leading the author to conclude that the tax burden could not have been unbearable in Africa at the time. Others consider the revolt to have been an effort by municipal leaders sharing the views of the Senate, which detested the military emperor, and some point to an "African" revolt by the region's peasantry against Roman rule. However, the author argues that more attention should be paid to the fact that the city of Thysdrus was a municipium liberum, which was exempt from taxation and could block any intervention by proconsuls. Since the inhabitants of the city enjoyed these privileges, they were free to refuse any demands of imperial officials they opposed. In other words. at the beginning of the revolt, it was the identity as "people of Thysdrus," rather than "Romans" or "Africans," that played an important role. Next, the article turns to the epitaph of L. Aemilius Severinus (CIL, VIII, 2170=ILS, 8499=ILAlg., I, 3598), which eulogizes his death being caused by his "love for Rome." The deceased seems to have been a municipal leader of Thysdrus who shared the values of the Roman Senate; but it is not certain because the epitaph was discovered in a suburb of the city of Theveste. The gravestone used was of simple manufacture, and its shape was unique to North African culture, while the deceased's agnomen shows the influence of Greek culture. Therefore, in spite of the expression, "love for Rome," he should not be considered simply "Roman" in character, but rather as living in a society characterized by a hybrid culture formed under Roman rule. The author concludes that the revolt of 238 was raised by the citizens of Thysdrus, who were determined to continue enjoying their privileges and honor, and then was joined by many "Africo-Romans" of the region's hybrid-culture. Since the participants of the revolt claimed a variety of identities, such as "Roman," "African," and "Thysdrusian," the revolt should not be simplified as merely a "pro-senate" or "African" rising, but rather as reflecting a far more complex cultural situation characterizing Roman Africa at the time.
  • 石倉 和佳, 笠原 順路, 今村 隆男, 真木 利江
    イギリス・ロマン派研究
    2012年 36 巻 47-64
    発行日: 2012/03/20
    公開日: 2017/01/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ルーマニアにおけるポスト社会主義の文化遺産政策と世界遺産の役割に関する研究-1
    舘﨑 麻衣子, 花里 利一, 三宅 理一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2020年 85 巻 767 号 203-212
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/01/30
    ジャーナル フリー

     Socialist regimes in Eastern Europe carried out harsh repression on religious institutions, but in Romania, the regime was flexible compared with Soviet Union, where Orthodox monasteries were closed by force and torn down. Romanian way of “carrot-and-stick” tactics to the Orthodox Church watered down the resistance of certain clergies and believers while the religious monuments were acknowledged as the tool for the national identity. This paper focuses on the formation of the heritage policy and its implementation by the socialist government vis-à-vis the monastic tradition in Romania.

     Three parties should be analysed in terms of the intervention for conservation: State, Orthodox Church and the experts of historical monuments. The official competent body for heritage conservation was formed under the state committees for culture and national planning, but as long as this section was not adequately evaluated by the regime tops, this became nearly an asylum of the experts who continued their identity from the kingdom period and kept liberal attitude by working with local church communities.

     The Direcţie a Monumentelor Istorice (DMI), started in 1959, played a key role for implementing the restoration works for the Church. This direction kept taking the initiative until the middle of 1970’s. According to the budgetary table of their operations during the 1960’s, three among 39 counties and Bucharest received the benefit of high ratio of the budget: Suceava in Moldavia (15.7% of national budget for conservation), Braşov in Transylvania (12.7%) and Constanţa in Wallachia (10.4%). Since the first is the cradle of Romanian Orthodox Church, the conservation works for such monasteries as Voroneţ and Dragomirna were considered crucial. In the second, it was fortification rather than Protestant Church. The third signifies the sites of Roman antiquities. In the monasteries like Voroneţ, closed by the secularization policy in the late 19th century, DMI paradoxically accelerated the pace of conservation due to the absence of the church intervention.

     In the cases of Suceaviţa, Doragomirna and Vorneţ, the restoration works should be underlined by the contemporary spirit. This was played by an architect Ioana Grigorescu. These three projects occupied more than 70% of the total budget in Suceava County (11% of the national budget). The analysis of her preserved documents reveals that, besides the restoration of the authentic church buildings, nuns’ cells, dining halls and even exhibition halls were specially designed with dynamic forms inspired by the Romanian tradition.

     In Romania special terminology for urban planning “systematization” had been employed since 1920’s but during the socialist period, Marxist connotation with scientific and top-down approach was added so as to form a nation-wide planning conception, which obliged urbanization by migration of rural population. Conservation of historical monuments was so seriously affected by this planning policy that the church communities on comună (village) level suffered enormously. The rehabilitation of historical cities such as Craiova and Constanţa were recognized important in the early 1970’s responding to the trend of the West, but Vrancea Earthquake of 1977 suspended this movement and squeezed DMI to a much smaller section.

     In this sense, the balance among the triangle State – Church – Professional was barely stabilized, despite its sensitiveness, in the early period of Ceauşescu Regime. Input to the conservation policy by timely contact with UNESCO played the role of counter-balance against the pressure of systematization by the leaders of the socialist hierarchy.

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