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  • オスマエフ アッバス, 富樫 耕介
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2020年 2020 巻 1053 号 57-84
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2023/03/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 兵頭 慎治
    国際安全保障
    2005年 33 巻 1 号 29-49
    発行日: 2005/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ~権限区分条約を中心として~
    兵頭 慎治
    ロシア・東欧学会年報
    1999年 1999 巻 28 号 100-107
    発行日: 1999年
    公開日: 2010/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田畑 朋子
    比較経済体制学会年報
    2004年 41 巻 2 号 31-48,99
    発行日: 2004/06/30
    公開日: 2009/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    ロシアの90年代の人口減少に対して各地域がどのように寄与したかについて検討した。92年からの人口減少が欧露部の中央などでの自然減少と,極東や北方地域での社会減少によるものであり,99年以降の人口減少加速化は欧露部の中央,北西部,沿ヴォルガ地域などでの自然減少の加速化によるものであること,人口減少の主要因である男性の早死は欧露部の中央,北西部や大都市圏,出生率の低下はロシア全域で生じたことを明らかにした。
  • 田畑 朋子
    ロシア・東欧研究
    2005年 2005 巻 34 号 101-108
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2010/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Russian population decreased between the two censuses conducted in 1989 and 2002 as a result mainly of an increase in male mortality and a decline in birth rates. My previous research focused on premature death or the high mortality rate of the male working-age population. In this paper, multi-regression analyses are applied to regional data from Russia, in order to clarify the relationship between male mortality by age and socio-economic factors in each region. The use of regional mortality rate by age as an independent variable in this paper is a new approach in this field of studies.
    The result demonstrates that among socio-economic factors analyzed in this paper, a drink-related crime rate (the rate of crimes committed under the influence of alcohol per 10, 000 people) most significantly correlates to high male mortality, and especially to high mortality in the younger cohort of working-age males. As was shown by earlier research, the increase in male mortality in Russia was mainly brought about by such causes of death as trauma and poisoning, including suicide and homicide, and diseases of the circulatory system, all of which often originate in heavy consumption of alcohol. The conclusion of this paper also confirms this observation.
    By comparison with this factor, the economic factors analyzed in this paper, i.e. per capita money income and the unemployment rate, have weaker correlations to high male mortality. But both factors have statistical significance in regression equations concerning working-age males and the middle age cohort (35-44 years old) among them. While per capita income has a negative correlation with mortality, with respect to the unemployment rate a negative correlation (i.e., the lower the unemployment, the higher the mortality) is observed. This might be a result of heavy stress in industrially active regions, which could enhance mortality caused by trauma and poisoning. The fact that the effect of economic factors is not so significant compared with the drink-related crime rate might be explained by the use of 2002 data in this paper, rather than data from the early 1990s, i.e., the period of economic turmoil caused by system change. These problems and validity of other socio-economic factors remain to be answered.
  • 富樫 耕介
    ロシア・東欧研究
    2018年 2018 巻 47 号 81-97
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/10/08
    ジャーナル フリー

    Chechnya is important in terms of issues related to the nature of the state and minorities in the Russian Federation. When considering the Chechen problem, one notices that it has a dual structure. First, as a minority in Russia, the Chechen people have been affected by changes in the Russian state. Most extant research on this issue has examined the Chechen problem by focusing on the Chechens’ relationship with the Russian state.

    However, there is also another aspect—the form and nature of the “state” sought by the Chechen people has had an impact on both themselves and the Russian side. Existing research has mainly studied the kinds of tensions that “the state” sought by the Chechen people has caused in Russia. Thus, the effects of this “state” on the Chechens themselves have not been adequately studied.

    This article seeks to consider the Chechen problem by focusing on the nature of the “state” sought by the Chechen people. In particular, it seeks to clarify the kind of influence exerted by the changes in the nature of the “state” advocated by a minority group on that minority group itself. Further, it also considers the current situation and problems in the Chechen Republic.

    To achieve these aims, this article undertakes two tasks. First, it considers whether the form of the Chechen “state” governed by Ramzan Kadyrov is adequately accepted by its residents. In Chechnya, there have been terrorist activities and revolts by independence-seeking and radical Islamic groups, who do not recognize the legitimacy of the Kadyrov regime. This article analyzes the GTD (Global Terrorism Database) to assess whether the incidents of terror and rebellion have decreased over time to the present.

    The second task is to consider issues related to the nature of the “state” under the incumbent Kadyrov regime. Terrorism and rebellion are reactions against the government that can be easily observed externally, but there are also cases where these are subdued through strict crackdowns by the government. However, issues that concern the form and legitimacy of the state are often raised during the process of moving toward a stable statehood. Based on a fieldwork conducted in August 2018 and by considering the relationship between the Chechen general public and the “state,” particularly from the dual perspectives of history and public opinion, this article reveals the current problems relevant to the Chechen “state.”

    In conclusion, the number of terrorist activities in Chechnya as well as in North Caucasus has declined, and the Chechen republic is stable at present. Under the Kadyrov regime, it is difficult to research modern Chechen history because of the loss of research materials due to war and political issues preventing objective research. Therefore, especially the history and experience under the Chechen separatist “state” (1991–2000) are beginning to be forgotten in the current Chechen society. The Kadyrov regime emphasizes the legitimacy of its own “state” by comparing it with the Chechen separatist “state,” which it has labeled as a symbol of chaos, destruction, and destabilization. However, there are differences between the government and the people in Chechnya since the Kadyrov regime ignores the general public. Consequently, this would lead people to doubt the legitimacy of Kadyrov’s “state.”

  • 富樫 耕介
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2020年 2020 巻 1053 号 85-91
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2023/03/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―「資本主義ロシア」以後の状況を検証する―
    中澤 孝之
    ロシア・東欧学会年報
    1995年 1995 巻 24 号 33-41
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2010/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長縄 宣博
    ロシア史研究
    2008年 83 巻 75-78
    発行日: 2008/11/07
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 井上 まどか
    宗教研究
    2011年 84 巻 4 号 1316-1317
    発行日: 2011/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石川 健
    比較経済研究
    2009年 46 巻 1 号 1_69-1_80
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2011/01/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    2000~2006年に関するロシアの就業統計・GDP 統計を用いて,(1)ロシアの就業構造は「製造業」,「卸売•小売業,自動車・家庭用品等修理業」,「農業,林業」の動向によって特徴付けられること,(2)GDP でみたサービス部門の比重縮小とは対照的に,就業構造でみたサービス経済化の一層の進展がみられること,(3)財生産部門全体の労働生産性が上昇していることを示した。
  • 角田 安正
    ロシア・東欧研究
    2002年 2002 巻 31 号 20-37
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2010/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Maskhadov regime relied on Islam to resolve feuds among major leaders in Chechnya after the first Chechen war ended in 1996. Taking advantage of the situation, the Wahhabi expanded their influence in the republic. The Wahhabi were comprised mainly of Arabic political Islamists, who had fought against the Soviets in Afghanistan and come to Chechnya to participate in the first Chechen war.
    In the summer of 1998, Osama Bin Laden, a new sponsor of the Wahhabi in Chechnya, began to establish a close relationship with anti-Maskhadov leaders (field commanders) attracting them by his abundant funds and his idea of establishing a unified Islamic republic in the north Caucasus. Encouraged by Bin Laden, Chechen armed forces attempted to invade the Russian republic of Dagestan in August 1999.
    As Moscow lost no time in launching a counter attack, another Chechen war commenced. The Chechen conflict posed a threat to Russia in that it might not have only undermined Russia's territorial integrity, but could have also become a pretext for western countries, including the United States, to meddle in Russia's domestic affairs. Russia tried in vain to persuade Washington that Chechen separatists were disguised international terrorists and that Russia suffered from the same terrorism as the U.S. had during 1998 with American embassy attacks in Africa. The United States continued to attach importance to the human-rights aspects of the Chechen issue. President Vladimir Putin, taking office in 2000, was not able to make the U.S. change its attitude toward the Chechen problem as his predecessor, Boris Yeltsin, had likewise found impossible.
    In Russia, moreover, some forces, especially the military elite, were opposed to cooperation with the United States. They alleged that none other than the U.S. had played a role in stirring up the situation in the north Caucasus. Thus, there would be no cooperation between the two countries for an anti-terrorist struggle.
    The situation abruptly changed after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. U.S.-Russian relations as concerned terrorism seemed to take a 180 degree turnabout. Close analysis of the relationship, however, would show that Russia gave way more in the U.S. direction than vice versa. President Putin allowed Central Asian countries to accept U.S. military presence two weeks after the terrorist attacks, with the Republic of Georgia to follow suit during the spring of 2002 in defiance of the resistance of the political and military elite in Russia. He expected to ease their frustrations by successfully suppressing Chechen armed forces as a result of promoting cooperation between Russia and the United States. He also expected that Washington would admit Russia's war in Chechnya to be a war on terrorism. Such expectations, however, were not met.
    The political forces in Russia, therefore, having assumed a negative attitude toward cooperation with the U.S., grew more frustrated. President Putin was forced to take steps to soothe their feelings. When he implied that he was ready to dispatch Russian troops to the Pankisskoye Gorge in the Republic of Georgia to eradicate Chechen fighters during September 2002, he intended to assuage the political and military elite which had not welcomed the U.S. military presence in Georgia from its inception.
  • 田畑 朋子
    人口学研究
    2005年 37 巻 67-82
    発行日: 2005/11/30
    公開日: 2017/09/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    ロシアの人口は,1989年と2002年の国勢調査の間に,自然減少により大きく減少したが,その主要因は男性の早死と出生率の低下であった。本稿では,他国で例を見ないような男性の早死について,その原因を把握し,地域別特徴を明らかにするために,これまで利用できなかった1989〜2002年の14年間における地域別の年齢別死亡率のデータを用いて分析を行った。まず,男性およびそのうちの労働可能人口の死亡率が高い地域と低い地域がこの14年間においてほぼ固定されていることを確認した。男性について労働可能人口(16-59歳)の死亡率の悪化が際立っていることから,次に,労働可能人口の死亡率とその死亡要因の地域別データについて,続いて,25-44歳の年齢層における5歳ごとの年齢別死亡率と労働可能人口の死亡要因の地域別データについて,主成分分析とクラスター分析を利用した分析を行った。その結果,40-44歳の男性死亡率が高い地域,すなわち,欧露部中央と北西(モスクワ市とサンクトペテルブルグ市を除く)では循環器系の疾患による死亡が多く,25-34歳の男性死亡率が高い地域,すなわち,東シベリア南部とカリーニングラード州などでは事故・中毒による死亡が多いことが明らかにされた。この結果は,ロシア男性の早死の原因として,1992年以降の体制転換の影響とアルコールの影響がともに大きいこと,しかも,それらが地域によって異なる形の死亡数増加として現れていることを明らかにした。
  • 中央アジア・カフカス
    北川 誠一
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 138 号 142-156,L13
    発行日: 2004/09/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Between 1999 and 2004, the issue about Chechen and foreign fighters in and around the Pankisi Valley in one of the districts of the Eastern Georgia was a focus of political negotiations in the Georgia-Russia, Gerogia-USA, then Russia-USA relations.
    The majority of the residents of the valley are the Chechens and the Ingushes, who are called as the Kists there. Using historical and ethnographic literatures by Margoshivili, Shavkhelishvili and others which describe the immigration process of the Chechens and the Ingushes to the Pankisi Valley in the 19th century, this paper underlines the importance of traditional and national homogeneity between the Chechens and the Kists, which keeps their mutual relation and fellow feeling in the both sides of the Great Caucasus. As the Kists had no right as ethnic minority in the Soviet era, they could have merged into the Georgian masses, if they had no relation with the Chechno-Ingush Republic and the people living there. This is how the valley still remains as a semi-independent enclave of Chechnia within Georgia.
    The majority of the inhabitants of the valley are Sunni Muslims. Then the Pankisi Valley has a strategic value, as one of the Sunnite outputs from the Chechen and Daghestan into the South Caucasus. It is also witnessed there the re-islamization during and after the Perestroika era, the coming of the foreign missionaries and the rising in the popularity of the so called the Wahhabits among the local people.
    Even after the violent death of a Chechen field commander Ruslan Gelayev and the end of the War against the Terrorism in Georgia, the Kists remain as the Chechens and their majority are the Muslims. Excepting the Kists, there are the Georgian Pshavs, the Tushes and the Ossets in the valley. Any ethnic or confessional clash would be reflected in a wilder arena. With potential cause of discontents to the Georgian government, the strategic importance of the valley in the process of integrity of Georgia's ethnics and regions into one single civil society is still existing, as well as in the regional security of the South Caucasus as a whole.
  • 服部 崇
    グローバル・ガバナンス
    2021年 2021 巻 7 号 140-142
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2022/05/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 寺谷 弘壬
    ロシア・東欧学会年報
    1993年 1993 巻 22 号 27-38
    発行日: 1993年
    公開日: 2010/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 兵頭 慎治
    ロシア・東欧学会年報
    1995年 1995 巻 24 号 126-133
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2010/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アルメニア科学アカデミー出張記
    小澤 正基
    日本原子力学会誌
    2005年 47 巻 6 号 403-405
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2019/01/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―西側からの価値をめぐる作用と連携を題材に―
    湯浅 剛
    国際政治
    2013年 2013 巻 171 号 171_100-171_113
    発行日: 2013/01/30
    公開日: 2014/12/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is difficult to discuss “transitional justice” within the context of contemporary Russian politics. In Russia, as in other post-Soviet countries, there is no clear consensus on who defines “justice” and what the term entails. Several political groups have stressed an original Russian path of political development, such as the concept of “sovereign democracy” proposed by Vladislav Surkov, an executive within the incumbent Russian government. In addition, the background and structure of governing elites has not shifted clearly from that of the old regime, and the Russian parliament has not to enact a lustration law yet.
    Paralleling such facts, many researchers on post-Soviet politics (especially in Japan) do not regard Western standards of human rights, rule of law, and democracy as absolute and universal values. They suggest that political changes in the post-Soviet space should be understood within the unique context of each country’s history and domestic political process. Another strand of research stresses that “the wave of liberalization and democratization” will not reach inner Eurasia—Russia and Central Asian countries—and that, the continent is divided by this lack of adherence to “universal values.”
    This article, on the other hand, emphasizes the following two points. First, aspects of “universal values” are found even in Russian politics. In particular, the historical development of civil liberties and their policies of implementation—including the negotiation process between Russia and the Council of Europe (CoE) and domestic institutionalization of the ombudsman system—has proceeded positively (although slowly). While such Western values are not regarded absolutely in Russian politics, they still steadily and irreversibly influence the political process.
    Second, the process of democratization in Russia and Eurasia is not static:there is no geographical cleavage between democracy and dictatorship, and “universal values” are penetrating, at least incrementally, into Russia. This article proposes a metaphor of archipelago, which Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn used in his masterpiece on the inhumane system of the Soviet gulag, to explain the geographical and cognitive distribution of civil liberties in Russia today.
    The contemporary archipelago of civil liberties in Russia consists not only of governmental and state-based institutions, but the autonomous intentions of individual citizens. There is no alternative for the Russian government but to accept these values. However, the consolidation of civil liberties norms in Russia has been so limited that the Putin government’s relations with Western institutions such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and CoE have deteriorated. In the short term, Western leverage and linkage that support civil liberties in Russia are decreasing.
  • アカーエフ ヴァヒド, 富樫 耕介
    ロシア・ユーラシアの社会
    2020年 2020 巻 1053 号 35-56
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2023/03/08
    ジャーナル フリー
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