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  • 光本 弥生
    教育方法学研究
    1994年 19 巻 29-36
    発行日: 1994/03/31
    公開日: 2017/04/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    "Rhetoric" has currently been translated in Japanese as "study of figure of speech" , or "art of persuasive or impressive speaking" , and generally been understood as demagotic technique or art of elaborate writing. We must note, however, that "Rhetoric" has originally been developing as a part of methods of communication, conversation, and discussion with language as a central medium. Rhetoric places importance on a listener which is equal to or more than that on a speaker, in the meaning of speaking with the unification of ethos, parthos, and logos. That is to say, there exists a mutual independence principle where a listener and a speaker reach a standard of values with each other's situation in mind while deeply understanding and sympathizing each other. Man can establish a standard of values in his action and be "independent" as one human being only by the dual structure of conversation of mutual independence. Educational demand by a kindergarten teacher is communicated to children through external expression, gesture, look, and utterance. Children can read teacher's demands only through the teacher's daily talking and expression, while they themselves communicate their requests to their teacher by using their whole bodies. Thus you see, the technique of expression and response to convey one's demands to others and read the other's demands is a matter of Rhetoric. Therefore, under the present situation, I believe that kindergarten's teachers should continue talking to children "rhetorically" , so that the children can bring up their own "independence" while promoting their abilities of right self expression (art of Rhetoric). It should be noted that "Guidance" is not a forming action to "grasp and give" teacher's demands to children, but a responsive education development to "point at and lead" to communicate what the teacher.
  • 政治哲学と教育を中心として
    川島 清吉
    教育学研究
    1971年 38 巻 2 号 96-105
    発行日: 1971/06/30
    公開日: 2009/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 第三世界政治家研究
    岡部 広治
    国際政治
    1977年 1977 巻 57 号 23-41,L1
    発行日: 1977/05/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Cuban Revolution had progressed from the democratic phase to the socialist without interruption, soon after its triumph over the Batista dictatorship backed by the U. S. imperialism in 1959.
    The problem on which we should like shed light in this paper is: Why could Fidel Castro lead such a revolution as a passionate non-communist revolutionary, in spite of the fact that the Popular Socialist Party (the Communist Party in Cuba) had been relatively strong in Latin America? We could find a principal reason for it in his basic thoughts and activities as their realization.
    In the first place, he has always emphasized the role of the popular masses in the revolutionary process. Even in formulating the armed struggle as the principal way to the revolution, as in the Moncada attack and the guerrilla warfare in Sierra Maestra, he had striven to develop the revolutionary consciousness of the people. The idea that the people make history has been running as a constant current in his mind.
    Secondly, he has persistently pursed for the formation of the united front against the Batista dictatorship and the U. S. imperialism. It is true that the 26th of July Movement led by him could not reach to the agreement of common struggle with the Popular Socialist Party until immediately after the victory of the revolution, but it was because of the profound anti-communism, the main obstacle to the united front, of the other bourgeois opposition party leaders, who had signed the “Pact of Caracas” with the Movement. Fidel has never had any animosity against the communism, having read and learnt the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin since his university years, though he had had some “prejudices” against the Communists. Hence, his constant presence in the revolutionary leadership.
    Thirdly and finally, he has consistently looked for the democracy, not only in the political aspect, as did the bourgeois opposition political leaders, but also in the economic and social, that is, in the true sense. Thanks to his profound conception of democracy, he could naturally and spontaneously transform himself from the simple democrat into the assiduous socialist. And he could add some particular hues to the Cuban socialism, with the democratic emphasis.
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