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  • 吉田 京子
    宗教研究
    2005年 79 巻 2 号 599-604
    発行日: 2005/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森山 央朗
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 8 号 1339-1371
    発行日: 2004/08/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nishapur, a western city in Khurasan, flourished between the 4/10th and 6/12th centuries as one of the central cities for intellectuals in the Islamic World. The author of the present article uses The Histories of Nishapur which were compiled between the latter half of the 4/10th century and the beginning of the 6/12th century in order to analyze quantitatively place names mentioned accounts of the academic careers of 2539 'ulama' contained in the Histories. In the analyses, he examines how changes occurred in the travel patterns of 'ulama', centering around Nishapur, between the 2/8th to 6/12th centuries, and traces the process of the establishment of Islamic knowledge in Nishapur and Khurasan. He also discusses the transition that took place in Nishapur's relations with other regions regarding the proliferation of that knowledge in the process of its development into an intellectual center. At the same time, he considers the background to and reasons why so much of city and local histories throughout the Islamic World between the 4/10th and 6/12th centuries is concerned with biographies of 'ulama'. The author finds that first, the establishment of Islamic knowledge in Nishapur and Khurasan at its early stage depended on the introduction of that knowledge from 'Iraq ; but, secondly, the activities of 'ulama' became more and more substantive in the region, depending on the development of its local establishment. Consequently, a tendency for the geographical extent of 'ulama' intellectual activities and knowledge proliferations limited to Khurusun proper appeared between the latter half of the 4/10th century and the latter half of the 5/11th century, the gradual localization of the 'ulama' activities and knowledge proliferation during the time when The Histories of Nishapur were compiled. Furthermore, it is possible to assume that the compilation of biographical city and local histories in many parts of Islamic World between the 4/10th and 6/12th centuries was greatly motivated by the progress taking place in the localization of Islamic knowledge in each region during that time, the difficulty in maintaining an inter-regional academic career information system and unity among 'ulama', and a recognition of the necessity for coping with such a situation.
  • 阿久津 正幸
    日本中東学会年報
    2010年 26 巻 1 号 241-268
    発行日: 2010/07/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Several modern studies have treated the ulamā as quasi-bureaucrats, influential urban elites, distinguished families, etc. However, I attempt to consider them mainly as professional intellectuals, regardless of their social position, in order to disclose the Islamic nature of the society that they established. First, we need to reveal their “institution” for the transmission of ilm, partly because the ulamā could not have been passed down (succession) without this process and partly because Islamic society should be understood on the basis of Arabic-Islamic values, not a non-Arabic-Islamic bias. How the changing situation in society has been approved by the professional ulamā and the evaluation of social environments that led to such attitudes of intellectuals are discussions related to this point. As indicated previously, an interdisciplinary attempt (historical sociology in this case) is necessary to look beyond the existing sense of values in Middle Eastern studies.
  • 青木 健
    宗教研究
    2007年 81 巻 3 号 653-674
    発行日: 2007/12/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    ゾロアスター教研究の資料には、六-一〇世紀に執筆された内部資料であるパフラヴィー語文献と、その他の言語による外部資料がある。外部資料の研究としては、ギリシア語・ラテン語、シリア語、アルメニア語、漢文、近世ヨーロッパ諸語などの資料ごとに纏まったコーパスがあるものの、アラビア語資料を用いた本格的な研究は依然としてなされていない。本論文は、アラビア語資料を完全に網羅した訳ではないが、ある程度の資料に当たって、アラビア語資料によるゾロアスター教研究の方向性を示した試論である。暫定的な結論として、サーサーン王朝時代のペルシア帝国領内のゾロアスター教は一枚岩ではなく、各地方ごとのゾロアスター教が存在したこと、パフラヴィー語文献は、そのうちのイラン高原南部のゾロアスター教を代表するに過ぎないこと、メソポタミアやイラン高原東部のゾロアスター教の実態は、却ってアラビア語資料から類推できることが判明した。
  • 『マンフール』『シファーウ』『ムスタスファー』の比較より
    飯山 陽
    オリエント
    2007年 50 巻 2 号 141-160
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is usually said that maslaha as a legal concept was first defined in a tangible manner by al-Ghazali (d. 1111) and that he made a breakthrough innovation in the evolutional history of maslaha theory. But in my previous article (Oriento 47: 2 [2005]), I analyzed the maslaha theory of his master al-Juwayni (d. 1085) and clearly demonstrated that (al-Juwayni's) theory was innovative by comparison with former theories. The current article investigates three books of legal theory written by al-Ghazali, namely Mankhul, Shifa' and Mustasfa, to reconsider whether his achievement was this accepted notion. The findings show that most of the terms and the logic used in his maslaha theory had been already used by al-Juwayni. However, al-Ghazali arranged his master's maslaha theory in an easily comprehensible and methodical fashion. His master's theory, in contrast, was complicated and used many terms inconsistently, and what is more, he criticized harshly the interpretation and application of maslaha by the Maliki school. This is why later scholars, especially Maliki scholars, quote al-Ghazali's maslaha theory exclusively. Thus, the achievement of al-Ghazali in the history of maslaha theory should be sought in his arrangement of his master's theory, because without that, it is hard to understand how later scholars could have evolved maslaha theory and applied the con-cept in legal practice.
  • 537/1142-3年のアシュアリー派弾圧をめぐって
    下山 伴子
    オリエント
    1999年 42 巻 2 号 129-145
    発行日: 1999年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kitab al-naqd is a polemic work that Imami-Shi'i 'Abd al-Jalil Qazvini refutes the Sunni contender's accusations against Imami-Shi'i with almost word-for-word quotes from those accusations. It has been valued for the information about religious situations around Ray in the first half of the 12th century. Because of its polemical nature, however, its usability as a historical source has been questioned. The present paper intends to examine the logical framework of this text in order to get better position to evaluate it as a historical source. By “the logical framework” I mean each contender's standpoint and the structure of his way of thinking.
    Each contender brings forwards his arguments emphasizing advantageous aspects for him in the complicated situations of conflicts and alliances among several sects and schools (legal and theological) of both Sunni and Shi'i sides in Ray, as it follows.
    The arguments of the Sunni contender are based on the premise that the religious conflict in Ray exists only between “Sunni” and “Imami-Shi'i” . But 'Abd al-Jalil refers to another opposition between “Usuli” and “Jabli” sects to refute the above premise. “Usuli” is a subsect of Imami-Shi'i sect and “Jabri” is one of the Sunni. He insists that “Usuli” to which he belongs is prevalent and in good term with the Saljuq, while “Jabri”, which practically means Ash'ari theological school, is a minority and the Sunni author belongs to this sect. This insistence is based on the suppression of Ash'ari school by the Saljuq since 537/1142-3. 'Abd al-Jalil emphasizes that “Usuli” endorses the theological viewpoint of the Saljuq and opposes to that of Ash'ari school. Thus he stresses the legitimacy of “Usali” depending on the power of the Saljuq state.
  • 鷹木 恵子
    民族學研究
    2000年 65 巻 1 号 9-24
    発行日: 2000年
    公開日: 2018/05/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    イスラームは,その歴史的過程で二つの「知」, すなわちアラビア語でイルムとマァリファと呼ばれるものを発展させてきた。 本論は,イスラーム世界の音文化を,この二つの知の在り方との関連から検討するものである。イルムとは,コーラン学やハディース伝承学に始まる,イスラームの伝統的諸学,また現在では学問一般をも意味する 。それは学習によって習得可能な形式的知識,また差異化や序列化,規範化を指向する知識として捉えられる 。 他方,マァリファとは,イスラーム法の体系化に伴う信仰の形骸化に反発して生まれたイスラーム神秘主義において追求された,身体的修業を通して到達する神との神秘的合一境地で悟得される直観知,経験知を意味する 。

    これら二つの知の主たる担い手,イルムの担い手ウラマーとマァリファの担い手スーフィーのあいだでは,音楽に対する解釈やその実践にも異なるものがみられた。ウラマーのあいだでは,当初,音楽をめぐり賛否両論の多くの議論があり,イスラーム法での儀礼規範にはコーラン読誦とアザーン以外, 音文化的要素はほとんどみられない。一方,マァリファを追求したイスラーム神秘主義では,サマーと呼ばれる修業法に,聖なる句を繰り返し唱えるズィクルや, 器楽,舞踊などが取り入れられ,豊かな音文化を開花させた 。またイルムの儀礼実践の中核にあるコーラン読誦では、啓示の意味を明確化し、他者への伝達を指向する。堀内正樹の分析概念に基づくならば,「音の分節化」がみられるのに対して,マァリファの儀礼実践ではズィクルにみるように,自己の内面への精神集中が目指され,神との合一境地ではその声は意味を解体させ,「音の脱分節化」という特徴がみられる。このようにイルムとマァリファの知の特徴の相違と同様,これらの儀礼的実践における音文化的特徴にも,それぞれ異なる特徴のあることを指摘し得る。またイスラーム世界ではコーラン読誦やアザーンは「音楽」の範鴎外とされていることから,より包括的な音の問題の検討の上では,「音文化」という概念が有効であることについても,最後に若干,コメントを付す。

  • ハザーラスプ朝君主ヌスラト・アッディーンの治世を事例として
    大塚 修
    オリエント
    2015年 58 巻 1 号 40-56
    発行日: 2015/09/30
    公開日: 2018/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article discusses the flowering of Persian literature under the patronage of the local Iranian ruler of Luristan, Hazaraspid Nuṣrat al-Dīn (r. 1296-1331/2), in the late Ilkhanid period. It is generally accepted that Persian literature evolved dramatically under the patronage of Ilkhanid rulers and senior officials. However, there is almost no research that deals with the contribution of local rulers to this evolution during the period. In this article, I introduce the case of Hazaraspid Nuṣrat al-Dīn and explain his significant role in this evolution.

       Although the Hazaraspid dynasty lasted more than two centuries (1155/6-1424), because of the scarcity of historical chronicles, the details of the history of this dynasty remain unclear. However, through an investigation of literary works compiled in this dynasty, it is shown for the first time that Īdhaj, where the Hazaraspid court was located, was one of the cultural centers of the Ilkhanid domain, and attracted various scholars. They celebrated Nuṣrat al-Dīn in both prose and poetry, and the following five Persian literary works were compiled under his patronage: 1. Sharaf-i Qazwīnī’s al-Muʻjam fī Āthār Mulūk al-ʻAjam, 2. Sharaf-i Qazwīnī’s al-Tarassul al-Nuṣratīya, 3. Shams-i Fakhrī’s Miʻyār-i Nuṣratī, 4. Hindū-shāh’s Tajārib al-Salaf, and 5. the anonymous Tajārib al-Umam fī Akhbār Mulūk al-ʻAjam wa al-ʻArab. Most of them relate to the history of the ancient Persian dynasties or to the rhetoric of Persian prose and poetry.

       In these works, Nuṣrat al-Dīn, who identified himself as a descendant of the legendary Persian Kayanid kings, was celebrated as an ideal ruler who combined the characteristics of an Iranian ruler and an Islamic ruler. While Nuṣrat al-Dīn accepted the suzerainty of the Mongol Ilkhanid dynasty, he justified his local power by emphasizing his character as an Iranian ruler, and patronized cultural activities for this purpose. Thus, the local rulers’ growing awareness of themselves as legitimate Iranian rulers under the Mongol domination contributed to the evolution of Persian literature.

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