In the period from the First World War through the 1920's, there was a tension between the Hadhrami network and the British. Because of the internal struggle in the Hadhramaut and so-called Sayyid-Irshad dispute in the Hadhrami communities in Southeast Asia, the movements of "suspicious" or "undesirable" Hadhramis between the Southeast Asia and the Hadhramaut were carefully monitored and recorded by the British. The record now serves as useful sources to know about their movement and how they sent money to their homeland. The close observation of the way Hadhrami network actually worked reveals the fact that, although the term "Hadhrami Network" implies an autonomous network of people and goods independent of the economic system established by the European powers, the Hadhrami network functioned within the framework of transportation and remittance system built by Europeans in the Indian Ocean. In the twentieth century, the Hadhramis usually travelled between Southeast Asia and the Hadhramaut by European steamships, and used bank drafts issued by European banks to send remittance to their homeland. This observation, however, does not necessarily mean that the network was totally subordinated to the policy of the British. Due to the lack of necessary information, the British was unable to exercise total control over the movement of people and money. In any case, as long as the stability of the Hadhramaut was important for the British, the basic structure of the Hadhrami network was to be maintained. It was the occupation of Southeast Asia by the Japanese, the country which had no relation with the Hadhrami network, that virtually terminated the Hadhrani migration to Southeast Asia.

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　1986年に世界遣産に登録されたサナア旧市街は国際的協力を得て保全事業が進んでいる。しかし保全事業は住民不在で実施されてきた。また事業は歴史的建造物の修復・再利用が中心で，居住環境整備が遅れている。このような背景から本研究は，サナア旧市街を対象として，イエメン・イスラームの伝統的都市構造と都市住居に関する学際的（都市計画・建築学・文化人類学・社会学・保健医療）調査を通してその歴史的居住環境の実態を明らかにし，今後その地域の伝統的社会構造及び文化を保持・継承することを前提とした保全的開発の姿を提案することを目的とする。保全的開発の基本は住民の生活環境の改善であり向上である。そして新しく居住環境を創造していくことである。提案の主な内容は以下の通りである。1.住民参加のシステム構築：歴史的環境の保全には住民の意思と協力が不可欠である。旧市街の伝統的社会システムは変容しつつあるものの，ハーラの長であるアーキルは住民の信頼を得てまとめ役として存在することが判明したことから，ハーラを住民参加の母体，アーキルをその代表として位置づけ，保全計画に参画させるシステムをつくる。2.都市構造の保全：旧市街の約4分の1は緑地であった。緑地は近代化に伴う，水不足と伝統的エコシステムの分断により，荒廃・放置され，今後も放置緑地は増加する傾向にある。モスクに単独浄化槽を設置し排水の再利用をはかることで緑地への水の供給を確保し，緑地の再生を試みる。土地利用の復旧は都市構造の保全として有効である。旧市街の保全と開発はさまざまな問題が絡み合って複雑化している。しかし，保全の担い手はサナア住民であることを保全計画に関わるあらゆる人びとが認識することから保全的開発は始まり，問題解決の糸口もそこにある。

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Oman's political expansion into East Africa began in the middle of the 17th century. After the 19th century when the Omani Sultan established Zanzibar as the capital and also started permanently residing there, migration from Oman to East Africa accelerated. However, as the result of the Zanzibar revolution in 1964, in which many Arabs were killed, the succeeding aggravation of social and economic condition in East Africa, as well as the accession of Sultan Qabus to the throne in 1970 and his call for the return of Omanis abroad, many Omanis in East Africa returned to their homeland, Oman. These African Omanis formed one social category called "Zanjibari (Zanzibari)". This paper, based on my field data arising from interviews, explores the cultural and social aspects of the African Omani network. In chapter II, following a consideration of the historical and social relationship between Oman and East Africa, I examine how the dispersed social network of African Omanis was formed during the process of their departure from the Sharqiya region, migration to East Africa, and return to Oman. Neither connections with family in their homelands, nor the Arab identity were lost, despite the fact that they settled down in East Africa and became Swahilized. I further point out that the network of migration is crisscrossed between Muscat, the Sharqiya region and East Africa, composing of the ties of kinship and tribal relationships. In present-day Muscat, some spheres exist in which we can affirm the strong connection between Oman and East Africa. In chapter III, I examine the influence of African Omanis upon Oman since their return from East Africa from the viewpoints of culture, education and religion. African Omanis speak Swahili and eat Swahili food in Oman. Swahili is the second language spoken next to Arabic and Swahili food is widely accepted in Oman. They enter the Omani workforce as professionals. This is due to the fact that when many Omani immigrants in East Africa returned to Oman during the 1970s, higher education had not spread in Oman. Therefore, it was the educated African Omanis who contributed to Oman's nation-building, which suffered from serious shortages of manpower. African Omanis who could not find satisfactory education or jobs in Oman went abroad and expanded their networks. Lastly, as regards religion, some African Omanis provide financial assistance to develop Ibadi Islamic foundation in Zanzibar. Omani immigrants established communities in Africa, but their society disintegrated due to Zanzibar revolution, which was caused by historical contact with Britain. Omani immigrants moved to and within Africa and finally returned to Oman relying by kinship relations. The network based on kinship always reliably facilitated their migration. The networks which African Omanis built up brought Swahili culture to Oman and African Omanis now live in conjunction with both Omani Arab and Swahili cultures in Oman.

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本稿の目的は, これまで十分に記述されてこなかったザンジバル (タンザニア) における預言者ムハンマドの生誕祭の様子と, この生誕祭でのタリーカ (スーフィー教団) の活動を報告することである。預言者生誕祭は, ムスリム (イスラーム教徒) にとって最も重要な行事の一つである。また, この行事ではイスラーム世界の大部分のタリーカが一斉に活動する。
19世紀後半, ザンジバルには様々なタリーカが到来し, 沿岸部や交易路における民衆レベルのイスラーム化に大きく貢献してきた。東アフリカに預言者生誕祭を持ち込んだのもタリーカであったが, 先行研究では預言者生誕祭やタリーカの活動実態については, ほとんど明らかにされてこなかった。
筆者がおこなった参与観察によると, ザンジバルの預言者生誕祭は預言者の生誕日から約3週間, 島内各地で開催された。各生誕祭は, 基本的に地域の有力者主催の儀礼と, その後に複数のタリーカがそれぞれ主催するズィクリ (神の名を繰り返し唱える修行) の2部構成であった。また, 先行研究には言及されてない新たなタリーカの存在も明らかとなった。

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This article analyzes the Islamic political thought of Abudurrahman Wahid through the reading of his essays in Mengurai Hubungan Agama dan Negara (1999), and other books.
Abdurrahman Wahid states that he approaches the state-religion relation socio-culturally. The aim of this approach is not establishing Islamic state directly through their penetration into the goverment which is often adopted by Islamic reformist groups, but the socio-cultural reform in a long term through NGO or mass religious organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyyah.
According to him, the present constitutinal regime of Indonesia is legitimized as Dar Sulh (state of truce), in which Islam is not institutionalized by the government, however the freedom of the muslims to practice their religion is guaranteed.
He says, “the conception of Dar Sulh is so fruitful as to solve a lot of contemporary ploblems if only it is understood properly and fully developed, ” although his understanding of the concept of Dar Sulh is different from what the classical fiqh literatures defined, i. e., a state which has the truce with Dar Islam.
Abdurrahman Wahid rejects the Islamist demand for the establishment of the Islamic state in Indonesia, saying that it is contrary to the traditional Shafi'i legal theory of Dar Sulh. But his rejection of Islamic state seems to be the result of his negative assessment on the level of Islamic knowledge among Indonesian muslims as well. He says, “We are still in the process of establishing Tawhid (ke-Esa-an Allah) and are not so far from it” and “we must start our social reform from the society which is still in the stage of Jahiliyah, where the people know only Tawhid and nothing more.”
Thus, according to his bitter perception, what Indonesian society needs now is not the establishment of Islamic state enacting Islamic laws but the popularization of the teaching of Tawhid through socio-cultural reform based on Islamic universal moral values.

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