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  • 児玉 明
    画像電子学会誌
    2019年 48 巻 1 号 14-16
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2021/06/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「捕虜となった革命戦士博物館」の事例を通して
    今井 昭夫
    地域研究
    2014年 14 巻 2 号 112-125
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2021/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ムルザーエフ E.M., 跡部 治
    地図
    1989年 27 巻 1 号 35-40
    発行日: 1989/03/30
    公開日: 2011/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 弘末 雅士
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 1 号 37-76,153-154
    発行日: 1990/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article attempts to investigate the role of the prophet in the Batak millenarian movement against the European colonial order. During the latter part of the 19th century, the Toba Batak area in north Sumatra was exposed to European influence, and both Christianization by German missionaries and colonization by the Dutch began to undermine the Toba Batak, social order. The traditional symbol of power, Si Singa Mangaraja, was defeated by the Dutch colonial army. Millenarian expectations began after the Batak people were forced to recognize the superiority of European power, yet were in many cases not satisfied with the new colonial order. The dilemma was solved when Guru Somalaing, a datu (magician), had a revelation from Jehovah to preach traditional Batak codes in order to become malim (pure). He established the Parmalim (One Who Endeavours To Be Pure) movement in 1890, claiming to be able to gain access to the source of European power while retaining the essence of Toba Batak values. Just after his revelation, Somalaing encountered an Italian traveler. The people who were impressed by European colonial power were longing for a different type of European who would share that power with them. The Italian during his stay in Toba was often regarded as a delegate of Raja Rum, who the Batak believed was a holy king in the outside world. Somalaing, convinced that he shared the power of Jehovah, now developed his expectations into a belief that Raja Rum would assist him in dealing with the Dutch. Somalaing's idea was accepted among the people of the north-eastern part of Toba, who were newly under European influence, but still maintained their traditional value system. The Parmalim movement was an endeavour to maintain their traditional social order under the new source of power. In their Parmalim ceremonies they prayed to Jehovah, Maria, Jesus and Raja Rum in the same manner as had been done in traditional religious ceremonies, when people had wanted to ask Si Singa Mangaraja or Batak deities for help. As the Dutch intensified colonial influence over the area, Parmalim followers began to believe that German missionaries working in the ara were really Batak divine kings and that someday these kings and Raja Rum would drive the Dutch away. The evidence of the Batak millenarian movement suggests that the main task of the millenarian leader is to show what the real source of power was and how to gain access to it. Previous explanations which have emphasized prophets' magical abilites, such as communication with supernatural powers, healing or divination, are only partial explanations.
  • 南坊 進策
    熱帯農業
    1980年 24 巻 3 号 145-149
    発行日: 1980/09/01
    公開日: 2010/03/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ― モデル構成と農地水循環量の推定 ―
    谷口 智之, 増本 隆夫, 吉田 武郎, 堀川 直紀, 清水 克之
    水文・水資源学会誌
    2009年 22 巻 2 号 126-140
    発行日: 2009/03/05
    公開日: 2009/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    モンスーンアジア地帯には多様な水田形態,作付体系,灌漑方式を有する水利用が見られるが,既存の水文・流出モデルではこのような水田の多様性は必ずしも考慮されていない.そこで,本稿では,一連の論文の中でこれまで提案している分布型水循環モデルの根幹となるサブモデル(「作付時期・作付面積推定モデル」,「水田水利用モデル」)を含んだ分布型水循環モデルの全体構造を示すとともに,メコン河流域にモデルを適用した結果を述べた.メコン河本川5地点における実測流量と独自に設置した観測データから推定した実蒸発散量の両者によってモデルによる推定結果を検証し,いずれの推定値とも良好な再現性を得た.また,このモデルを用いたことにより,水田水利用に関わる水田作付面積,取水量,土壌水分量などの諸量も任意の時点,地点で推定できることが分かった.さらに,灌漑開発に伴う河川流量への影響を予測した結果,天水田で灌漑開発が進むと乾季流量が大幅に減少するなどの評価結果に見られるように,開発したモデルを用いると,人間活動の農業水循環への影響評価や食料生産への影響予測等が可能となることを示した.
  • 田中 耕司
    東南アジア研究
    1991年 29 巻 3 号 306-382
    発行日: 1991/12/31
    公開日: 2018/02/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    This report aims at clarifying the characteristics of rice culture conventionally and traditionally practiced in the Southeast Asian (SEA) archipelago and reconsidering the genealogy of rice culture from the viewpoint of historical development and distribution of farming practices and rice-growing techniques specific to the rice culture in the archipelago.
     In Chapter 1, based on the regional variation in farming practices and rice-growing techniques, Asian rice culture is typologically classified into three major types, namely, the Indian type, the Chinese type, and the Malayan type. Most typical sequence of the practices and techniques for each type can be summarized as follows. (1)For the Indian type, a sequence consisting of land preparation with a plow and a harrow drawn by two cattle; broadcasting in dry fields; intertillage and weeding with a harrow; harvesting with a sickle having a long, crooked, serrated blade; and threshing by beating bundles of rice or by cattle-trampling. (2) For the Chinese type, land prepartation with a plow and a harrow drawn by one cattle; transplanting seedlings; manual weeding with various tools; harvesting with a sickle having a crescent-shaped blade; and threshing by beating. And (3) for the Malayan type, land preparation by various methods like puddling with an oar-shaped spade, cattle- trampling and human-foot-trampling, and a non-tillage method by which grasses are just cut with a long scythe-like tool; various methods of sowing or transplanting like dibbling with a stick, transplanting by punching holes with a short stick, and broadcasting in wet fields; manual weeding; harvesting panicles with a reaping knife; and threshing by foot-trampling or by pounding in a mortar. Based on the comparison of these ...
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