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  • 富沢 霊岸
    法制史研究
    1996年 1996 巻 46 号 329-331
    発行日: 1997/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 直江 真一
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 10 号 1868-1870
    発行日: 1993/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 荒木 洋育
    西洋史学
    2007年 226 巻 22-
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2022/04/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 荒木 洋育
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 4 号 536-552
    発行日: 2007/04/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In medieval English history, the loss of Normandy during the reign of King John (1199-1216) is regarded as marking the end of the "Anglo-Norman Realm," a territorial union between England and Normandy which existed from the "Norman Conquest" in 1066. Some scholars have attributed this loss to John's inability in military affairs, while others have cited the fiscal weakness of the government at that time. To discover the true cause of the loss, however, the presence of the barons who formed a personal network across the English Channel must also be considered. This article attempts to show how important a role these "cross-channel" barons played in maintaining the Anglo-Norman Realm based on an examination of scutage, a tax levied on tenants-in-chief by their lords during wartime, in particular changing attitudes concerning payment of that tax. During the reign of King Richard I, a time when the cross-channel barons were politically active during the king's absence, three scutages were levied : one was for the king's ransom, and the others for campaigns to defend English territories on the Continent. Judging from the related sources, the cross-channel barons appeared rather cooperative in paying for the king's ransom, but they seemed not only reluctant in paying for campaigns on the Continent, but also tried to obtain exemptions from payment. During John's reign, four scutages were levied, all to finance campaigns on the Continent before the loss of Normandy. Although some historians point to John's adamancy in collecting the taxes and a certain improvement in collection, which is evident in the figures presented in this article, more cross-channel barons were exempted from payment at that time than during Richard's reign, and even those who did pay seemed to no longer willing to do so. To gain their support, King John had to grant large amounts of land to these reluctant barons resulting in a decline in his own revenues. It was in this way that the cross-channel barons, who had once played an important role in supporting the Anglo-Norman Realm, became an equally important factor in its demise.
  • 史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 9 号 1642-1679
    発行日: 1995/09/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 都築 彰
    史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 12 号 2009-2045,2158-
    発行日: 1995/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The origins of capitalis justitiarius, the chief justiciar, who had the status of the head of the royal administration and the king's deputy in medieval England, still remain obscure, leaving a mystery to be explained. About one hundred years ago, W.Stubbs thought that the office went back to the reign of William the Conqueror. Rejecting Stubbs' view, H.G.Richardson and G.O.Sayles maintain that Roger of Salisbury was the first holder of the office and lend a crucial importance to the administrative developments under King Henry I.D.Bates says that it came into existence in 1170s as the result of combination of two functions: the head of the royal administration and the regent. The author accepts Richardson and Sayles' conclusion that Roger of Salisbury was capitalis justitiarius and, simultaneously, agrees with Bates' view that the office was established under King Henry II. Henry of Huntingdon and Other chroniclers did not call Roger of Salisbury capitalis justitiarius, but rather justitiarius totius Angliae. Though Richardson and Sayles argue that justitiarius totius Angliae, whose functions were not confined to any one country, should be distinguished from capitalis justitiarius, the author's opinion is that justitiarius totius Angliae was the same office as capitalis justitiarius under the Norman kings. Roger of Howden, in the later twelfth century, described Ranulf de Glanville, the great justiciar under King Henry II, as summus justitiarius totius Angliae. Moreover, if Roger of Salisbury had the two different titles and capitalis justitiarius was the superior of the two, it is difficult to understand why chroniclers called Roger of Salisbury justitiarius totius Angliae only. The author holds that Roger of Salisbury was certainly the head of Henry I's government, not because he was capitalis justitiarius, but because he was especially trusted by the king and was given a great deal of authority to which no title was attached. Capitalis justitiarius was neither the head of the royal administration nor the regent under the Norman kings. When Henry II became king after the civil wars of Stephen's reign in 1154, the two kings agreed, as two chroniclers reported, that those who had been dispossessed or disinherited should be restored to their own. To pacify the country and to settle disputes among lords and tenants, Henry II and his advisers developed the writ of right and the assize of novel disseisin and, pursuing legal reforms, expanded royal jurisdiction. Under the circumstances in which the functions of justitiarii regis became more and more important, capitalis justitiarius obtained a status of the head of royal administration and the king's deputy during the reign of Henry II.
  • 『ポロック=メイトランド百周年記念論文集』の紹介
    直江 真一
    法制史研究
    1997年 1997 巻 47 号 87-138
    発行日: 1998/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
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